Monday, November 19, 2007

Profile: Educator Paulo Freire

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Educator Paulo Freire



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http://www.infed.org/thinkers/et-freir.htm
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paulo freire

Perhaps the most influential thinker about education in the late twentieth century, Paulo Freire has been particularly popular with informal educators with his emphasis on dialogue and his concern for the oppressed.

contents: introduction | contribution | critique | further reading and references | links
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Paulo Freire (1921 - 1997), the Brazilian educationalist, has left a significant mark on thinking about progressive practice. His Pedagogy of the Oppressed is currently one of the most quoted educational texts (especially in Latin America, Africa and Asia). Freire was able to draw upon, and weave together, a number of strands of thinking about educational practice and liberation. Sometimes some rather excessive claims are made for his work e.g. 'the most significant educational thinker of the twentieth century'. He wasn't - John Dewey would probably take that honour - but Freire certainly made a number of important theoretical innovations that have had a considerable impact on the development of educational practice - and on informal education and popular education in particular. In this piece we assess these - and briefly examine some of the critiques that can be made of his work.

Contribution
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Five aspects of Paulo Freire's work have a particular significance for our purposes here. First, his emphasis on dialogue has struck a very strong chord with those concerned with popular and informal education. Given that informal education is a dialogical (or conversational) rather than a curricula form this is hardly surprising. However, Paulo Freire was able to take the discussion on several steps with his insistence that dialogue involves respect. It should not involve one person acting on another, but rather people working with each other. Too much education, Paulo Freire argues, involves 'banking' - the educator making 'deposits' in the educatee.

Second, Paulo Freire was concerned with praxis - action that is informed (and linked to certain values). Dialogue wasn't just about deepening understanding - but was part of making a difference in the world. Dialogue in itself is a co-operative activity involving respect. The process is important and can be seen as enhancing community and building social capital and to leading us to act in ways that make for justice and human flourishing. Informal and popular educators have had a long-standing orientation to action - so the emphasis on change in the world was welcome. But there was a sting in the tail. Paulo Freire argued for informed action and as such provided a useful counter-balance to those who want to diminish theory.

Third, Freire's attention to naming the world has been of great significance to those educators who have traditionally worked with those who do not have a voice, and who are oppressed. The idea of building a 'pedagogy of the oppressed' or a 'pedagogy of hope' and how this may be carried forward has formed a significant impetus to work. An important element of this was his concern with conscientization - developing consciousness, but consciousness that is understood to have the power to transform reality' (Taylor 1993: 52).

Fourth, Paulo Freire's insistence on situating educational activity in the lived experience of participants has opened up a series of possibilities for the way informal educators can approach practice. His concern to look for words that have the possibility of generating new ways of naming and acting in the world when working with people around literacies is a good example of this.

Fifth, a number of informal educators have connected with Paulo Freire's use of metaphors drawn from Christian sources. An example of this is the way in which the divide between teachers and learners can be transcended. In part this is to occur as learners develop their consciousness, but mainly it comes through the 'class suicide' or 'Easter experience' of the teacher.

The educator for liberation has to die as the unilateral educator of the educatees, in order to be born again as the educator-educatee of the educatees-educators. An educator is a person who has to live in the deep significance of Easter. Quoted by Paul Taylor (1993: 53)

Critique


Inevitably, there are various points of criticism. First, many are put off by Paulo Freire's language and his appeal to mystical concerns. The former was a concern of Freire himself in later life - and his work after Pedagogy of the Oppressed was usually written within a more conversational or accessible framework.

Second, Paulo Freire tends to argue in an either/or way. We are either with the oppressed or against them. This may be an interesting starting point for teaching, but taken too literally it can make for rather simplistic (political) analysis.

Third, there is an tendency in Freire to overturn everyday situations so that they become pedagogical. Freire's approach was largely constructed around structured educational situations. While his initial point of reference might be non-formal, the educational encounters he explores remain formal (Torres 1993: 127) In other words, his approach is still curriculum-based and entail transforming settings into a particular type of pedagogical space. This can rather work against the notion of dialogue (in that curriculum implies a predefined set of concerns and activities). Educators need to look for 'teachable moments' - but when we concentrate on this we can easily overlook simple power of being in conversation with others.

Fourth, what is claimed as liberatory practice may, on close inspection, be rather closer to banking than we would wish. In other words, the practice of Freirian education can involve smuggling in all sorts of ideas and values under the guise of problem-posing. Taylor's analysis of Freire's literacy programme shows that:

.. the rhetoric which announced the importance of dialogue, engagement, and equality, and denounced silence, massification and oppression, did not match in practice the subliminal messages and modes of a Banking System of education. Albeit benign, Freire's approach differs only in degree, but not in kind, from the system which he so eloquently criticizes. (Taylor 1993: 148)

Educators have to teach. They have to transform transfers of information into a 'real act of knowing' (op cit: 43).

Fifth, there are problems regarding Freire's model of literacy. While it may be taken as a challenge to the political projects of northern states, his analysis remains rooted in assumptions about cognitive development and the relation of literacy to rationality that are suspect (Street 1983: 14). His work has not 'entirely shrugged off the assumptions of the "autonomous model"' (ibid.: 14).

Last, there are questions concerning the originality of Freire's contribution. As Taylor has put it - to say that as many commentators do that Freire's thinking is 'eclectic', is 'to underestimate the degree to which he borrowed directly from other sources' (Taylor 1993: 34). Taylor (1993: 34-51) brings out a number of these influences and 'absorbtions' - perhaps most interestingly the extent to which the structure of Pedagogy of the Oppressed parallels Kosik's Dialectic of the Concrete (published in Spanish in the mid 1960s). Here we would simply invite you to compare Freire's interests with those of Martin Buber. His concern with conversation, encounter, being and ethical education have strong echoes in Freirian thought.

Further reading and references

Key texts: Paulo Freire's central work remains:

Freire, P. (1972) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Harmondsworth: Penguin. Important exploration of dialogue and the possibilities for liberatory practice. Freire provides a rationale for a pedagogy of the oppressed; introduces the highly influential notion of banking education; highlights the contrasts between education forms that treat people as objects rather than subjects; and explores education as cultural action. See, also:

Freire, P. (1995) Pedagogy of Hope. Reliving Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Continuum. This book began as a new preface to his classic work, but grew into a book. It's importance lies in Freire's reflection on the text and how it was received, and on the development of policy and practice subsequently. Written in a direct and engaging way.

Biographical material: There are two useful English language starting points:

Freire, P. (1996) Letters to Cristina. Reflections on my life and work, London: Routledge. Retrospective on Freire's work and life. in the form of letters to his niece. He looks back at his childhood experiences, to his youth, and his life as an educator and policymaker.

Gadotti, M. (1994) Reading Paulo Freire. His life and work, New York: SUNY Press. Clear presentation of Freire's thinking set in historical context written by a close collaborator.

For my money the best critical exploration of his work is:

Taylor, P. (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire, Buckingham: Open University Press.

Other references

Kosik, K. (1988) La dialectique du concret, Paris: Plon.

Street, B. V. (1984) Literacy in Theory and Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Torres, C. A. (1993) 'From the "Pedagogy of the Oppressed" to "A Luta Continua": the political pedagogy of Paulo Freire' in P. McLaren and P. Leonard (eds.) Freire: A critical encounter, London: Routledge.

Links

Lesley Bentley - Paulo Freire. Brief biography plus lots of useful links.

Catedra Paulo Freire (Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Sao Paulo) - click for English version.

Blanca Facundo's critique of Freire's ideas, and reactions to Facundo's critique - interesting collection of pieces.

Paulo Freire Institute - a wide range of material available about current work in the Freirian tradition. Click for the English version.

Daniel Schugurensky on Freire - consists of a collection of reviews of his books and links to other pages.

Q&A: The Freirian Approach to Adult Literacy Education, David Spener's review for ERIC.

How to cite this article: Smith, M. K. (1997, 2002) 'Paulo Freire and informal education', the encyclopaedia of informal education. [www.infed.org/thinkers/et-freir.htm. Last update: November 05, 2007]

© Mark K. Smith 1997, 2002 about the encyclopaedia of informal education
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Thoughts by Paulo Freire

  • "A teacher is no longer merely the one who teaches; but one who is himself taught in dialogue with the students, who in turn while being taught also teach."

  • Brief bio: Brazilian educator and author Paulo Freire (born Sept. 19, 1921, Recife, Brazil, died May 2, 1997, São Paulo, Brazil) sought to empower the world's oppressed through literacy programs that encouraged social and political awareness. Freire ) was Brazil's most important educator and author of many other books. He can be a tough read. His written Portuguese tends toward complex sentence structure, which makes tough going in English translation. He also liked to create words. However, his ideas are powerful and worth some effort to read and understand. In his seminal work, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 1970, Eng. ed. 1972), Freire argued that the passive nature of traditional education promoted repression. He likened such backward teaching to a bank, wherein a teacher deposited information--which Freire believed was largely false--and the student passively collected. Freire favored a "pedagogy of liberation" that encouraged dialogue between teacher and student. He sought to empower students to ask questions and to challenge the status quo. He began refining his methods during the 1950s, when he taught literacy to peasants--adult men. The use of everyday words and ideas in his lessons proved highly effective. Many of Freire's students needed only 30 hours of instruction before being able to read and write.

    In 1963 he was appointed director of the Brazilian National Literacy Program, and in this post he outlined a plan to educate five million Brazilians. The military dictators who seized power in a coup in 1964 jailed Freire for subversion. Literate peasants and workers might well challenge Brazil's backward institutions-- just what Freire hoped. After his release he went into exile, he traveled the world, assisting in the establishment of literacy programs and teaching at a number of universities. In 1979 he returned to Brazil, where he cofounded the left-wing Workers Party. He served as education secretary of São Paulo beginning in 1988 but resigned several years later. Freire wrote more than 20 books, many considered classics in the field of education. His views have become widely influential in what is usually termed critical pedagogy.

  • Additional biographical and bibliographical information on Paulo Freire

    Thoughts on Education and Politics

    Selections from The Paulo Freire Reader (Continuum, 1998)
    1. A humanizing education is the path through which men and women can become conscious about their presence in the world. The way they act and think when they develop all their capacities, taking into consideration, their needs, but also the needs and aspirations of others. (p. 9)
    2. The pedagogy of the oppressed animated by authentic humanism (and not humanitarianism) generously presents itself as a pedagogy of man. Pedagogy which begins with the egoistic interests of the oppressors ( an egoism cloaked in the false generosity of paternalism) and makes of the oppressed the objects of its humanitarianism, itself maintains and embodies oppression. It is an instrument of dehumanization. (p. 12)
    3. But while both humanization and dehumanization are real alternatives, only the first is the people's vocation. This vocation is constantly negated, yet it is affirmed by that very negation. It is thwarted by injustice, exploitation, oppression, and the violence of the oppressors; it is affirmed by the yearning of the oppressed for freedom and justice, and by their struggle to recover their lost humanity. (p. 45)
    4. Not infrequently, peasants in educational projects begin to discuss a generative theme in a lively manner, then stop suddenly and say to the education: "Excuse us, we ought to keep quiet and let you talk. You are the one who knows, we don't know anything." They often insist that there is no difference between them and the animals: when they do admit a difference, it favors the animals. "They are freer than we are." (p. 62)
    5. A revolutionary leadership must accordingly practice co-intentional education. Teachers and students (leadership and people), co-intent on reality, are both Subjects, not only in the task of unveiling that reality, and thereby coming to know it critically, but in the task of re-creating that knowledge. As they attain this knowledge of reality through common reflection and action, they discover themselves as its permanent re-creators. In this way, the presence of the oppressed in the struggle for their liberation will be what it should be: not pseudo-participation, but committed involvement. (pp. 66-67)
    6. Critique of the "Banking" Concept of Education: Education thus becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories and the teacher is the depositor. Instead of communicating, the teacher issues communiqués and makes deposits which the students patiently receive, memorize, and repeat. (p. 67)
    7. Liberating education consists in acts of cognition, not transferals of information. It is a learning situation in which the cognizable object (far from being the end of the cognitive act) intermediates the cognitive actors--teacher on the one hand and students on the other. Accordingly, the practice of problem-posing education entails at the outset that the teacher-student contradiction be resolved. Dialogical relations--indispensable to the capacity of cognitive actors to cooperate in perceiving the same cognizable object--are other impossible. (p. 74)
    8. Problem-posing education affirms men and women as beings in the process of becoming--as unfinished, uncompleted beings in and with a likewise unfinished reality. Indeed, in contrast to other animals who are unfinished, but not historical, people know themselves to be unfinished: they are aware of their incompletion. In this incompletion and this awareness lie the very roots of education as an exclusively human manifestation. The unfinished character of human beings and the transformational character of reality necessitate that education be an ongoing activity. (p. 77)
    9. One aspect of the reply is to be found in the distinction between systematic education, which can only be changed by political power, and educational projects, which should be carried out with the oppressed in the process of organizing them. (p. 54)

    Paulo Freire, Letters to Cristina: Reflections on My Life and Work (trans. By Donald Macedo, 1996)

    These excepts reveal something of Freire's childhood, education, and other formative life experiences.

    Childhood: “The search became almost a game and I started to learn the most minute details of our backyard. The banana tree leaves; the majestic cashew tree with its branches trailing on the ground, its roots curving up through the dirt like the veins of old hands; the coconut tree; the various types of mango trees; the breakfast tree and the strong wind that moved the tree branches; the singing of the birds: all of these things expanded my curiosity as a fascinated child.

    The knowledge that I was gaining of my childhood world—such as the wavy shadows, like dancing bodies, projected by banana tree leaves— began to secure in me a form of calmness that other children my age did not have. The more I tried to understand during the day how things worked, by attempting to determine varied noises and their causes, the more I began to feel liberated from my ghostly nights. My efforts to know did not kill, however, my childlike spontaneity or replace it with a deformed rationality. In truth, I was not the type of kid who spoke much of his upright world, characterized by coat, necktie, and heavy starched collar, or who repeated adults' words.

    I lived my world intensely. From my experiences I began to learn about the world's day-to-day routine without losing sight of the world's beauty. Simply put, I began to move through the world with security, whether by day or by night.

    My father played an important role in my constant search for understanding. Being affectionate, intelligent, and open, he never refused to listen to us talk about our interests. He and my mother were a harmonious couple whose union did not lose them their individuality. They exemplified for us what it means to be understood and to understand, never showing any signs of intolerance. Although my mother was Catholic and my father was a spiritualist, they always respected each other's religious opinions. From them, I learned early on the value of dialogue. I never was afraid to ask questions, and I do not recall ever being punished for disagreeing with them.

    They taught me how to read my first words and then how to write them on the ground with a wooden stick under the shade of our mango tree. My first words and phrases were linked to my experiences and not my parents'. Instead of a boring primer or, worse, an "ABC Table" for memorizing the letters of the alphabet (as if students learn how to speak by sounding out letters), I had my backyard as my first primer, my first world, my first school. The ground, protected by tree leaves, was my blackboard and sticks were my chalk.

    Early Education: By six years of age, when I arrived at the little school where Eunice Vasconcelos was my first professional teacher, I already knew how to read and write. I have never forgotten the joy with which I welcomed the exercises called "sentence forming" that our teacher gave us. She would ask me to write in a straight line all the words that I knew. Afterward, I was supposed to form sentences with these words and later we discussed the meaning of each sentence I had created. This is how, little by little, I began to know my verbs, tenses, and moods; she taught me by increasing the level of difficulty. My teacher's fundamental preoccupation was not with making me memorize grammatical definitions but with stimulating the development of my oral and writing abilities.

    There was no rupture between my parents' teaching at home and the pedagogy of my teacher Eunice at school. At home, as in school, I was always invited to learn and never reduced to an empty vessel to be filled with knowledge.

    No barrier existed between the way I was raised at home and the work I was given at school. Thus, schoolwork never was a threat to my curiosity but rather was a stimulus. The time I spent playing and searching in my backyard was not the same as my experiences in school, but school was not my opposite point of reference, something that made me feel uncomfortable. Time spent in my backyard overflowed into time in school, making me feel happy in both spaces. In the final analysis, even though school had its own conditions, it did not limit my joy in life. It is the same joy in life that has characterized my entire life. It is the same joy in life that I experienced as a child in Jaboarao and which I continued to experience, as a man, during my time in exile. This joy has a great deal to do with my optimistic outlook on life, which means that, as a critical person, I am never paralyzed by life. This is why I always push myself toward forms of engagement and action that are compatible with my political beliefs. . . .

    Some Lessons of History: In 1928, I listened to my father and my Uncle Monteiro say that it was not only necessary to change the state of things, but urgent. The country was being destroyed, robbed, humiliated. They used that notorious phrase, "Brazil is right on the edge of the abyss." These are the kinds of things they would talk about: "They won't speak, and if they do, they won't be heard; they'll be oppressed." They referred here to Vieira.

    In a greeting to the marquess of Montalvao, viceroy of Brazil, at the Misericordia Hospital in Bahia in 1638, Vieira said, in the most political of all his sermons, that the silence imposed by the crown was one of Brazil's worst predicaments.
    We well know, those of us who speak the Latin language that this word infans, infante, means one who does not speak. That was the State the boy Baptist was in when Our Lady came to visit him. This is also the stare in which Brazil has been for many years, which, in my view, has been the major cause of its troubles. Since the patient cannot speak, all conjectures are difficult medicine. That is why, of all the sufferers Christ cured, none required so much time or care as the dumb possessed man: the worst accident Brazil suffered in its infirmity was that of doing away with its own voice. Many times it may have wanted to righteously complain, many times it may have wanted to ask for the medicine to cure its condition, but respect or violence has always drowned the words in its throat, and if ever a word has made it to the ears of those who should provide a remedy, so have the voices of power, to ensure victory for the claims of reason.
    Brazil wastes away, My Lord, (let us say it in one word) because some ministers of His Majesty do not come here to seek our welfare, but rather to seek our wealth.

    Vieira played with the meanings of "taking," at times using it to mean the act of accepting responsibility, control, and at times to mean the act of possessing what belongs to others, robbery. Vieira went so far as to say to the Marquess of Montalvao and his entourage:
    The King orders them [the ministers] to take Pernambuco, and they are content to take it. This taking possession of what is others', whether by the King or by the peoples, is the source of [Brazil's] disease. And the various arts and ways and instruments of taking are the symptoms that, being extremely dangerous by nature, make the disease even more lethal. I ask, just so the causes of the symptoms become better known: In this land, does the minister of justice take? Yes, he takes. Does the minister of finance? Yes, he takes. Does the minister of the republic? Yes, he takes. Does the minister of the militia? Yes, he takes. Does the minister of state? Yes, he takes.
    Joaquim Nabuco in 1879, giving a speech about a project for constitutional reform, said:
    Gentlemen the project being currently discussed comes to this registry under the saddest of auspices. It is a project that has been debated by a council of ministers, resolved in ministerial conference, and for that reason, I said, and the honorable representative from Piauf [Mr. Doria] seconded my expression, that the investigative record on this parliamentary initiative has languished on the minister of justice's desk. The project was discussed with the emperor, was the object of transactions within the ministry leading to the termination of two of its most prominent members, and, only after having gone through all these procedures and investigations, arrived at this house, where it was endorsed by a vast majority on the same day. . . .

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    Sunday, November 18, 2007

    Migrants lose jobs as hiring law nears; Arizona Republic

    Migrants lose jobs as hiring law nears
    Employers verifying status fire hundreds, attorneys say
    Daniel González ~ The Arizona Republic
    Nov. 18, 2007 12:00 AM
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    Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of undocumented workers have been fired as a result of Arizona businesses reviewing the work-eligibility forms of their employees as the state's new employer-sanctions law draws near.
    The fired workers couldn't provide missing information uncovered during the reviews or confessed to being in the country illegally, say attorneys involved in the reviews.

    The number of firings could grow significantly once the law goes into effect Jan. 1 as employers scramble to make sure they are in compliance. Under the law, repeat violators will lose their business licenses.

    The law, signed by Gov. Janet Napolitano in July, is aimed at clamping down on illegal immigration in Arizona by pulling the plug on the job magnet that has drawn undocumented immigrants to the state by the tens of thousands over the past decade.

    Businesses groups, however, asked a federal judge Wednesday to toss out the law, arguing that it is unconstitutional and invites racial profiling.
    They favor a federal solution that allows more foreign workers to enter legally to fill gaps in the labor market.

    Reviews lead to firings
    Federal law requires employers to ask all new employees for proof that they are eligible to work in the U.S., such as a driver's license, a green card or a Social Security card. Employers are required to record the information on forms known as I-9s.

    Internal reviews of those forms by businesses have led to the firing of "many hundreds of workers, and perhaps thousands," said Julie Pace, a Phoenix lawyer who is performing I-9 audits for companies. She also represents business groups that filed suit against the state seeking to have the sanctions law thrown out.

    Employers are not allowed to directly ask whether a worker is legal, Pace said. And many illegal workers could still slip through the audits if they presented fake documents that appeared real when they were hired and they filled out the I-9 correctly. But in many instances, employers are finding that the I-9s were not filled out properly. Upon questioning, employees are admitting that they are in the country illegally, or they can't provide the missing information.

    "A lot of employees are coming forward and saying, 'I know you didn't know this, but I'm illegal. Can you help me?' " said Rebecca Winterscheidt, a Phoenix immigration lawyer.

    When that happens, employers have no choice but to fire the worker, Winterscheidt said. Keeping them on would violate the law's provision against "knowingly" employing illegal workers.

    "That's the sad part of this. A lot of these are really, really long-term and very good employees," Winterscheidt said.

    She agreed that at least hundreds of workers already have lost their jobs as a result of the audits.

    "Many hundreds, I think, would be very conservative," she said.

    Eligio Medina Roldan, 44, is one of those workers who lost his job. The undocumented immigrant from Mexico City had been working at a Phoenix warehouse for the past four years using fake documents. Earlier this month, a supervisor from the company's corporate headquarters in Texas questioned him about some of the information he provided on the I-9 form. Medina Roldan said he was given eight days to prove he was legally eligible to work in the U.S. or he would lose his job.

    "I don't have papers that show I can work legally, so I won't be able to work," he said. "And I can't work, then I've lost the reason for being here. My only option is to go back" to Mexico.

    Tight labor market
    >>>

    >>>
    The dismissals come at a time when the state's winter-tourism industry is kicking into high gear and businesses already are struggling to find workers because of very low unemployment rates.

    "All of our hotels need workers. Our industry is experiencing a huge labor shortage," said David Nance, vice president of membership for the Arizona Hotel and Lodging Association and the Valley Hotel and Resort Association.
    In October, Arizona's unemployment rate rose slightly to 3.5 percent after falling to 3.3 percent in September, a 40-year low. The unemployment rate in the Phoenix area rose to 3 percent from 2.8 percent in September. An unemployment rate below 5 percent is considered full employment.
    Some economists think the sanctions law could wreak havoc on the state's economy by exacerbating labor shortages and scaring away companies from locating here.

    But a new study by the Center for Immigration Studies, a research organization in Washington, D.C., that favors reductions in immigration, suggests that there are plenty of Americans who could step in to replace illegal workers.

    The study estimates that there are 340,000 illegal workers in Arizona, 12 percent of the state's workforce. If all were to leave, they could be replaced by some of the 710,000 Arizonans who are currently outside the state's labor pool because they are not actively looking for work, according to the study.
    The 710,000 include 196,000 teenagers and 514,000 adults with no more than a high-school education.

    "The question is, is there enough labor to replace the illegals? Yes," said Steven Camarota, the center's research director.

    Dawn McLaren, a research economist at Arizona State University, doubted those findings.

    She said Camarota is counting people who have made the decision not to work and therefore are not considered part of the labor pool.

    Some may be students living with parents, she said. Some may be disabled. Others may be staying home with children.

    "If they haven't joined the labor force thus far, they are paying for their livelihood some other way," McLaren said.

    Coaxing those people into the labor market would require significantly raising the often low wages paid to immigrants doing manual labor or other low-skilled jobs, she said. But that could lead to businesses closing, higher prices for consumers, and higher inflation, she added.

    "Someone has got to want the job an employer is offering, and the employer has got to want that person to work for them," McLaren said.

    Understanding the law

    The sanctions law was passed amid enormous public pressure on local officials to do something about illegal immigration. With 500,000 illegal immigrants, Arizona has the highest share of illegal immigrants of any state in the nation. It also has the highest number of illegal crossings of any border state.

    Businesses caught knowingly or intentionally employing illegal workers under the law face a 10-day business license suspension for a first offense and having their licenses revoked permanently for a second offense.
    Other companies are getting prepared.

    As of Tuesday, 4,460 out of about 150,000 Arizona employers had signed up to use a federal database to electronically verify the employment eligibility of new employees. The sanctions law requires employers to use the database or risk punishment if caught knowingly employing illegal workers.

    Only 433 employers had signed up to use the program before the sanctions law was signed.

    Many businesses have been conducting internal audits.

    Congress passed a federal employer-sanctions law in 1986 that required the I-9 forms and created fines for employers who knowingly hired illegal workers.

    Until recently, however, the federal government has been lax about enforcing the law and punishing violators.

    As a result, "employers got the message that the I-9 was not something to take too seriously," Camarota said.

    Arizona's new sanctions law, however, is putting pressure on employers to make sure their I-9s are in order to avoid having their license revoked or suspended.

    Yuvixa Koren, owner of Aguilas Radio Taxi, plans to do an audit in December.
    "I want to make sure the (forms) are in compliance," Koren said.

    Koren said she is afraid her company will be targeted because many of her workers and drivers are Latino immigrants. But she said only 17 of her workers are official employees.The company's 100 drivers are considered independent contractors, so they are exempt from filling out the I-9 form, Koren said.

    Nancy-Jo Merritt, a Phoenix lawyer who specializes in immigration compliance, said many other employers are conducting I-9 audits.
    "We've been doing dozens of I-9 audits for the last several months," she said. "More than dozens."
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    Tuesday, October 30, 2007

    Mexico 'needs US action on drugs'

    Last Updated: Wednesday, 31 October 2007, 01:12 GMT
    Mexico 'needs US action on drugs'
    A marijuana plant at a clandestine plantation near Acapulco, Mexico
    President Bush is trying to fund an anti-drugs initiative with Mexico
    The US must keep to pledges to tackle the flow of arms from the US into Mexico and money-laundering, Mexico's attorney general has stressed.
    Eduardo Medina Mora said those parts of a new bilateral initiative were more important than the provision of $1.4bn of US funds under the plan.
    Mr Medina also estimated about $10bn (£4.8bn) in laundered Mexican drug money ended up in US banks each year.
    The anti-drugs "Merida Initiative" has caused some controversy in Mexico.
    Some politicians have dubbed it "Plan Mexico", inviting comparisons with the contentious anti-narcotic scheme Plan Colombia, established by the US in co-operation with Colombia in 2000.
    But President Felipe Calderon, who worked on the Merida Initiative with US President George W Bush, insists it will not entail an increased US military presence in Mexico as some suspect.
    President Bush recently asked the US Congress for a first tranche of £500m funding for the plan.
    US 'permissive'
    The money will go towards training Mexican troops and the purchase of equipment and technology to fight the often violent drugs trade.
    But on Tuesday, Mr Medina said that key parts of the agreement were US commitments to clamp down on the trade in arms and the illegal chemicals used to process drugs, money-laundering and domestic consumption of drugs.
    "For me, it is far more important that the United States is dedicated to confronting these four components of the drug-trafficking equation," he told the Mexican Congress.
    He said that there were some 12,000 American gun stores located close to the 3,200km border with Mexico, which, along with the US' "permissive" gun-control laws, facilitated the flow of arms into Mexico.
    Mr Medina added that about $10bn of laundered Mexican drug money ended up in US banks each year. He said his office was drafting a money-laundering bill that would regulate those responsible for transactions commonly associated with money-laundering.
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    Come Together and Create!
    Peter S. Lopez ~aka:Peta
    Sacramento, California, Aztlan
    Email: sacranative@yahoo.com

    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NetworkAztlan_News/


    http://www.networkaztlan.com/
    C/S

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