Friday, January 18, 2008

Latin America filmmakers huddle for warmth at snowy Sundance

Latin America filmmakers huddle for warmth at snowy Sundance
Photo 1 of 2
Diego Luna
January 18, 2880
PARK CITY, Utah (AFP) — Now is a great time to be an independent filmmaker in Latin America, according to Mexican actor Diego Luna, but oddly, he lamented, they too often have to come to the United States to succeed, and even to meet.
Luna, a juror in the dramatic category at the 2008 Sundance Film Festival here, told reporters he has become friends with several filmmakers from all over Central and South America that he met here in the snowy canyons of Utah.
He praised US audiences' huge appetite for independent films for helping to finance many more Latin American film projects of late, but added: "It's strange that we had to come north to meet each other."
"In poor countries, there are lots of stories to be told," he said, pointing to a new generation of filmmakers in his homeland who grew up in the aftermath of the 1985 Mexico City earthquake -- one of the most devastating tremors in the history of the Americas -- eager to tell them.
"It shook us and woke us up, faster than my father's generation," he said, noting that most great filmmakers in his birth country of late are under 40 years old, and many are in their 20s.
"It's a new world open to new stories," he said. "And it's a good time to be an independent filmmaker."
There are 17 films from Latin America being screened this year at the festival.
Colombia and Panama are making their debut at Sundance with director Carlos Moreno's "Perro Come Perro" (Dog Eat Dog) set in the Colombian crime world, and the coming of age story "Burgua dii Ebo" (The Wind and the Water) by Vero Bollow and the Igar Yala Collective.
Others include Ricardo de Montreuil's road movie "Mancora" co-produced by Spain and Peru, and Ernesto Contreras's "Parpados Azules" (Blue Eyelids), which will be released next month in Mexico.
As well, there are several films about South America being screened here this year.
A documentary from France, "Stranded: I've Come From a Plane That Crashed on the Mountains," retells one of the greatest survival stories of all time (in Spanish with English subtitles), about a Uruguay rugby team that boarded a plane in October 1972 for a match they would never play.
Their plane crashed in the Andes, but miraculously, 16 of the 45 passengers managed to stay alive on a frozen glacier for 72 days.
Canadian film "Les Femmes de la Brukman" (The Women of Brukman) follows the struggles of women workers in Argentina to reopen a men's suit factory after the owner disappears in the wake of a national economic meltdown.
In 2006, Diego Luna first appeared at Sundance in Carlos Balado's "Solo Dios Sabe" and returned last year with "The Night Buffalo" (El Bufalo de la Noche), directed by Jorge Hernandez Aldana Luna.
Diego also starred in the 2001 Oscar-nominated "Y Tu Mama Tambien" with his friend Gael Garcia Bernal, directed by Alfonso Cuaron.
But despite his sense of fraternity with fellow Spanish speakers, he commented: "To have a Latino point of view (in the United States) is not easy. You're first a human being before you're issued a passport."
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Peter S. Lopez ~aka:Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Email: sacranative@yahoo.com

http://www.networkaztlan.com/
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Monday, January 14, 2008

CHRONOLOGY-Hostage-taking in Colombia: from Reuters


Mon Jan 14, 2008 10:38am EST

Jan 14 (Reuters) - Colombian guerrillas kidnapped six tourists traveling by boat on a remote river a few days after freeing two high-profile hostages in a deal brokered by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, authorities said.

The hostage release has fueled hopes for an accord with the Marxist guerrillas, but they are still holding hundreds of captives for ransom or political leverage, including French Colombian politician Ingrid Betancourt and three Americans.

Here is a chronology of hostage-taking events in Colombia in recent years.

Sept 4, 1997 - Marxist rebels storm into one of Colombia's larger hydroelectric power stations and take at least 23 hostages.

March 26, 1998 - Rebels of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, hold more than 30 civilian hostages, including four U.S. citizens and an Italian, after seizing them on a highway outside Bogota, authorities say.

April 25 - Marxist rebels free the last two of the four U.S. bird-watchers taken hostage.

Jan 9, 1999 - Marxist rebels free two foreign hostages, a German and a Canadian, held hostage in separate parts of the country, authorities say.

Feb 9, 2000 - Army troops free hundreds of people held by leftist rebels blockading a major highway, after a four-day siege that is believed to be Colombia's biggest-ever hostage seizure.

Oct 25 - One of the 24 people held more than a month in a mass kidnapping by Colombian guerrillas dies, prompting the government and rebels to step up talks about freeing the others, Colombia's peace commissioner says.

Jan 10, 2001 - Helicopter-borne Colombian troops rescue 56 hostages from leftist guerrillas but the rebel group strikes back, kidnapping 13 other people, including five policemen, in another area, police and army officials say.

Feb 24, 2002 - Marxist guerrillas kidnap presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt on a dangerous road into their former safe haven. Betancourt was captured along with her running mate Clara Rojas.

May 5, 2003 - Marxist rebels kill a provincial governor, a former defense minister and eight soldiers held hostage when the army botches a rescue attempt, the government and survivors say.

Dec 21, 2006 - President Alvaro Uribe softens his stance on talks with Marxist rebels over the release of hostages held by the guerrillas, including three U.S. contract workers taken three years earlier.

Dec 18, 2007 - FARC says in a statement it will turn over three hostages to Venezuela President Hugo Chavez, just weeks after Bogota ends the leftist leader's efforts to broker the release of rebel captives.

Dec 31 - The delicate mission to free the three hostages appears to collapse as the government and rebel leaders accuse each other of trying to kill the deal.

Jan 10, 2008 - Former vice presidential candidate Clara Rojas and ex-congresswoman Consuelo Gonzalez are freed after over five years each in captivity, raising hopes for dozens more languishing in secret camps.

Jan 13 - Rojas reunited in Bogota with the 3-year-old son she had with a rebel while in captivity. The boy had spent much of his life in an orphanage.

Jan 14 - Guerrillas kidnap six tourists traveling by boat on a remote river.

(Writing by Paul Grant, Washington Editorial Reference Unit; editing by Stuart Grudgings)

More will be revealed...Peta
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Monday, December 31, 2007

Comment on:Hendricks: Manhandled by Russell Means

12-31-07 @8:50 AM/PST
Gracias EBryan ~ Let us not go afar from the original subject bro'.

Original Subject Line:
Re: EBryant> Re: [zapatista email group] Lakota "secession" - hype?

Here is a Link from Companero Agent Smiley>
[AUDIO] Interview with Canupa Gluha Mani - Lakota Freedom Delegation
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In regards to Russell Means, we should look at the overall contribution of a comrade before we condemn anyone. If you have not, read his autobiography Where White Men Fear to Tread.

Means should definately see himself as being 'in recovery' from his past and his own chemical addiction issues. Review the A.A. 12-Steps. In fact we will find as we evolve that many of our weaknesses, in relation to building up an aggressive vanguard liberation movement inside the United States involves us working on our own character defects, our own personal shortcomings, in essence, our own demons.

Thus, Means still has his own demons to wrestle with and for those who are 'in the know' there have always been internal sabotage in relation to AIM, in relation to the Free Peltier Movement, the demise of the Black Panther Party and let us not forget the FBI role of COINTELPRO!

Nevertheless, let us work on our own personal flaws, unite together based upon our common survival needs with a humane rights agenda, learn from our many misktaes and with a global overview see the big picture at all times.

Venceremos Unidos! We Will Win United, Not Divided!
Peta-de-Aztlan, Sacra, Califas, Aztlan
Cell: 916/968-1023
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E Bryant Holman <bryanth@presidiotex.com> wrote:
This article is from Indian Country Today, who bill themselves as "The Nation's Leading American Indian News Service".

You can find it online at
http://www.indiancountry.com/content.cfm?id=1096414103

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Hendricks: Manhandled by Russell Means
Posted: November 30, 2006
by: Steve Hendricks

I was manhandled by Russell Means on Pine Ridge. It wasn't much of a manhandling, but it was symptomatic of the fate of the American Indian Movement, a fate that hangs uneasily over Indian country even today, and so merits a few words.

It happened on Halloween, at Oglala Lakota College, where I was speaking about my new book, ''The Unquiet Grave: The FBI and the Struggle for the Soul of Indian Country.'' During the question-and-answer session, Means, the potent AIM leader who in the 1970s was admired throughout Indian America, took exception to several of my findings. It was a vintage Means performance: bellicose, self-aggrandizing, belittling, oblivious to any interpretation of facts save his own. After the Q and A, Means continued his critique (much of it unprintable) from about three inches off me. As his threats and insults reached a peak, he grabbed my shoulder with one meaty hand and knocked my glasses off with the other. I declined to take his bait - he clearly hoped to provoke a fistfight - and the host got him away from me and out the door before he could escalate matters.

What had so angered Means? Many things, but two of the findings that most riled him have also stirred passions across Indian country (both for and against me) and deserve discussion.

One of my findings was that during AIM's 71-day takeover of Wounded Knee in 1973, AIMers killed a black activist. The man's name was Ray Robinson, and his widow and children grieve him still. Over the decades, rumors of Robinson's killing surfaced fitfully, only to be denied by AIMers who were in a position to know better. Their denials crumbled a couple of years ago when credible witnesses stepped forward to say that Robinson was shot, killed, and presumably buried inside Wounded Knee.

It is not clear which senior AIMers covered up Robinson's killing. Nor is it clear whether Robinson was shot deliberately because he was suspected of being an FBI spy or accidentally as a result of an argument or an itchy trigger finger. But it is certain that an AIMer killed Robinson inside the village. Means, of course, knows that the killing will stain AIM's legacy, and he is not eager to have his place in history demoted. He may also fear that the killing will undo a lucrative option that a film producer has paid him to make an HBO movie, based on his memoir, about the siege of Wounded Knee.

To other AIMers, Robinson's killing is disturbing because it will give the FBI more firepower to justify its subversion of AIM. AIM had long made the case - correctly - that the vast majority of its adherents were law-abiding and that the FBI had sent spies and provocateurs into their ranks in gross violation of laws against domestic spying. No doubt supporters of the FBI will now argue that the violence-ridden AIM deserved to be infiltrated.

But the truth is less flattering to the FBI, as I discuss in ''The Unquiet Grave.'' For it was the FBI's sabotage of AIM that provoked many of AIM's violent deeds, perhaps including Robinson's killing. Those deeds in turn led to AIM's implosion, as the FBI intended.

A second matter in my book that stirred Means's (and others') passion is my discussion of whether David Hill, a mid-tier AIM leader, was an FBI mole. Hill has long been accused of being a spy - perhaps entirely unfairly. I don't conclude one way or the other in ''The Unquiet Grave,'' and it was a hard decision even to raise the matter: I'm not eager to play the FBI's paranoia-provoking ''Guess who's the spy?'' game.

But what makes Hill's case deserving of public discussion is that two people who may have known whether he was a fed have recently said or strongly suggested that he was. They are Norman Zigrossi, a senior FBI agent who oversaw informers in AIM, and Thelma Rios, Hill's ex-wife. Their statements do not prove Hill was a fed. Indeed, Rios later recanted her claim (though unconvincingly, to my mind). And perhaps Zigrossi is still playing FBI mind games. But their statements do make nearly certain that either Hill was an informer or the FBI was (perhaps still is) trying to make him look like one.

Either possibility is important because Hill was involved in life-and-death matters in the Indian rights saga. He was, for example, among the AIMers who were on the run after the fatal shootout with FBI agents at Oglala, S.D., in 1975. Those AIMers were eventually betrayed by one or more informers, and Leonard Peltier was railroaded to prison in consequence. Hill also allegedly took part in talks about whether Anna Mae Aquash was an FBI spy - talks that led to the murder of the innocent Aquash and, as my book shows, to an FBI coverup of the murder.

The U.S. government may owe Hill an apology for setting him up. Or it may owe AIM an apology for setting the group up. But in either case, it owes all Indians an apology for spreading a paranoia that crippled the 20th century's foremost movement for Native rights. This was a grave evil, never admitted, much less repented for.

AIM, too, could stand to apologize. The group fell victim to the FBI's attack partly because of its own deep, avoidable and damning flaws. One flaw was thuggishness, as Means' harassment of me illustrated. During much of its short life, AIM turned to guns and fists to solve problems that gun-and-fist
means couldn't solve. When this inclination to violence was stirred up by the FBI, it led to the murders of Aquash and Robinson and, ultimately, the loss of AIM's soul.

The thuggishness was compounded by AIM's refusal to examine its own failings, a refusal, as I discovered on my recent book tour, that AIM's aging leaders maintain even today. Most of them find it far easier to kill the messenger, or at least knock his glasses off, than to ask whether his message holds lessons. Small wonder that thousands of Indians who entrusted AIM with their hopes for a better life now feel almost as bitterly about AIM as they do about the federal government that destroyed it.

Steve Hendricks is the author of ''The Unquiet Grave: The FBI and the Struggle for the Soul of Indian Country,'' which Publishers Weekly recent named one the 100 best books of 2006.
His Web site is SteveHendricks.org.
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Peter S. Lopez ~aka:Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Email: sacranative@yahoo.com

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

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Monday, December 24, 2007

Immigrant Crackdown Falls Short: from Washington Post

Immigrant Crackdown Falls Short
Despite Tough Rhetoric, Few Employers of Illegal Workers Face Criminal Charges
By Spencer S. Hsu
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, December 25, 2007; A03
In its announced clampdown on companies that hire illegal workers, the federal government has arrested nearly four times as many people in the past year as it did two years ago, but only a tiny fraction of those arrests involved criminal charges against those who hired the workers, according to a year-end tally prepared by the Department of Homeland Security.
Fewer than 100 owners, supervisors or hiring officials were arrested in fiscal 2007, compared with nearly 4,900 arrests that involved illegal workers, providers of fake documents and others, the figures show. Immigration experts say the data illustrate the Bush administration's limited success at delivering on its rhetoric about stopping illegal hiring by corporate employers.
"I know what it takes to get a criminal case," said Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.), a former state prosecutor and member of the Senate Homeland Security Committee. ". . . Why is it that hundreds of bar owners can be sanctioned in Missouri every year for letting somebody with a fake ID have a beer, but we can't manage to sanction hundreds of employers for letting people use fake identities to obtain a job?"
Democratic political consultants have advised the party's lawmakers -- who already are on the defensive about immigration policy -- that the Bush administration's failure to more aggressively target powerful corporations may be a vulnerability for Republican candidates who are seeking to make immigration a campaign issue.
Bush administration officials have promised to strike at the "magnet" of jobs luring illegal immigrants into the country, a goal supported by experts across the political spectrum. "The days of treating employers who violate these laws by giving them the equivalent of a corporate parking ticket -- those days are gone. It's now felonies, jail time, fines and forfeitures," Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff said at a Nov. 6 news conference.
In a year-end review this month, Chertoff added that the enforcement crackdown will "make a down payment on credibility with the American people." He said Americans' "profound public skepticism" about government efforts to control illegal immigration helped kill a broad, White House-backed overhaul in the Senate this summer.
But even though DHS has ratcheted up its enforcement effort, this year's 92 criminal arrests of employers still amount to a drop in the bucket of a national economy that includes 6 million companies that employ more than 7 million unauthorized workers, several analysts said. Only 17 firms faced criminal fines or other forfeitures this year.
In one case, Richard M. Rosenbaum, the former president of Rosenbaum-Cunningham International, a nationwide cleaning contractor based in Florida, pleaded guilty in October to harboring illegal immigrants and conspiracy to defraud the government, agreeing to pay more than $17 million in restitution and forfeitures.
For decades, political opposition by the businesses that rely on such workers and by the communities where they are employed has helped water down the laws and other tools needed for a more sustained, less scattershot effort.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE) "has gotten the message that employer enforcement is essential. . . . Nonetheless, the numbers show the chronic failure of employer enforcement under current laws," said Doris Meissner, commissioner of the former U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service from 1993 through 2000 and now a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute, which studies migration patterns.
"The whole point of employer sanctions is to punish those who provide jobs -- the primary incentive -- to illegal workers. That goal continues to be largely unmet," Meissner said.
Late in the Clinton administration and early in the current administration, the number of illegal immigrants arrested in work-site cases fell -- from 2,849 in 1999 to a low of 445 in 2003 -- although there has since been a rebound. The number of criminal cases brought against employers during that period fell from 182 to four.
ICE reported that the 92 criminal arrests made in the fiscal year that ended Sept. 30 included 59 owners and 33 corporate officials, human resources workers, crew chiefs and others in the "supervisory chain."
Of the remaining 771 criminal arrests, nearly 90 percent involved workers and other people accused of identity theft or document fraud, money laundering, providing transportation or documentation to illegal workers, or other crimes. Criminal fines and other penalties grew from $600,000 in 2003 to more than $30 million in 2007, but they were dominated by a few large payments, including Rosenbaum's.
ICE Director Julie Myers, who served as chief of staff to Chertoff when he led the Justice Department's criminal division from 2001 to 2003, wrote in response to McCaskill's criticism that it takes time to build criminal cases, and that DHS's tougher criminal enforcement approach is "fundamentally different" from the weak administrative fines and pinprick raids that resulted from a congressional backlash against actions against corporations in the late 1990s.
In an interview, agency spokesman Brandon Alvarez-Montgomery said ICE focuses on "egregious" violators whose business models rely on hiring illegal immigrants, especially those whose practices may promote fraud or border breaches.
McCaskill called such arguments an excuse for not punishing big-money business and farm interests that want cheap labor, effectively penalizing law-abiding business owners and exploiting illegal immigrant workers. "The reality simply doesn't match their rhetoric," said McCaskill, who began pressing ICE to release the employer statistics in September.
In a bluntly worded memo last week, a consortium known as Democracy Corps, organized by Democratic Party consultants Stan Greenberg, Al Quinlan and James Carville, warned Democratic incumbents, candidates in House and Senate battleground districts, and presidential hopefuls that they "ignore the [immigration] issue at their peril."
"If leaders do not show their own frustration with the problem, they will not be heard on this issue -- and many others," they wrote. "There is particular appeal for cracking down on unscrupulous corporations that exploit illegal and legal workers. Voters are eager to believe that companies' preferences for cheap labor are a source of the problem."
The Bush administration has said it is trying to improve its Internet-based E-Verify program, through which less than 1 percent of U.S. employers now voluntarily check new hires' Social Security numbers. It is also fighting major business, farm and labor groups in federal court to use Social Security data generated when suspect numbers are submitted to the government as a sweeping nationwide enforcement tool.
A federal judge blocked the program from going forward in October, but the government is appealing. The administration is also attempting to modify its plan to mail "no-match" letters to 140,000 employers to meet conditions set by the judge.
Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, which seeks to restrict immigration and has opposed the Bush administration's proposals for giving legal status to some illegal immigrants, said the importance of a sustained crackdown involving both raids and the "no-match" program "is to change businesses' expectations, in order to change their behavior."
"Past enforcement actions have been regarded by business correctly as a passing thing. . . . They need to believe it's not just going to go away in a couple of months," Krikorian said. Illegal immigrant labor laws should be enforced as rigorously as child labor laws, he said.
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Comment: Amerika still does not get it as it is blinded by its racist nationalism. There is no is still no humane immigration legislation being proposed that is sane, realistic and compassionate. In fact, the U.S.A. government and its leadres are utterly insane in its cruel and brutal governmental policy in relation to immigrants and in denial of key aspects of connected reality in relation to the millions of so-called illegal immigrants already inside the continental United States. ~Peta


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Come Together and Create!
Peter S. Lopez ~aka:Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Email: sacranative@yahoo.com

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NetworkAztlan_News/


http://www.networkaztlan.com/
C/S