Sunday, March 15, 2009

Budget woes cut health care for illegal immigrants: Sacramento +

http://www.dailyadvance.com/news/nation/budget-woes-cut-health-care-for-illegal-immigrants-490428.html

Budget woes cut health care for illegal immigrants

By JULIANA BARBASSA
The Associated Press


Sunday, March 15, 2009

SACRAMENTO — Graciela Barrios, an undocumented immigrant, has long relied on her Sacramento County health clinic for the advice, medication and tests that keep her diabetes under control.





Graciela Barrios gets ready to check her blood sugar at her home in Sacramento, Calif., on Saturday, March 14, 2009. Barrios is an undocumented immigrant that relies on her county health clinic for the tests and medication for her diabetes and may lose this help due to budget-related cuts to county health care services. (AP Photo/Steve Yeater)
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But next month, Barrios and thousands like her will be on their own as communities cut non-emergency health services to illegal immigrants and more local governments are forced to make similar decisions. Nearby Contra Costa County will vote Tuesday on whether to cut services to the 5,000 illegal immigrants they serve each year.


"The general situation there is being faced by nearly every health department across the country, and if not right now, shortly," said Robert M. Pestronk, executive director of the National Associationof County and City Health Officials.


Data on health care for unauthorized immigrants is hard to come by, because community clinics and hospitals usually do not ask patients for their immigration status. But the Pew Hispanic Center estimates that of the 11.9 million illegal immigrants living in the United States, about 59 percent have no health insurance.. That accounts for about 15 percent of the nation's approximately 47 million uninsured.


As the financial crisis takes a toll on local health systems and job losses spike the number of uninsured, health care providers are finding it increasingly difficult to meet the needs of those they serve, said Pestronk.


More than half of local health departments across the country laid off or lost employees in 2008, according to a survey in January by the health officials association. About one-third predicted layoffs in 2009.

In Sacramento County, such cuts at first meant closing three of six clinics. In February, with less money and more patients, county supervisors and health officials had to decide: close one more clinic — laying off up to 40 staffers to save $2.4 million — or cut services to the approximately 4,000 illegal immigrants treated annually.


"It was very difficult ethically for me," said Keith Andrews, head of primary health services at the county's Department of Health and Human Service. "People I've been caring for for years will be hurt."


Contra Costa County officials are doing the same hard math: if they vote to cut services, they will save about $6 million.


After letting go of social workers, cutting mental health services and watching a delivery room built to handle 120 births a month accommodate 240, there were few other options, said Contra Costa Health Services Director William Walker.


"We've never had this crisis before," said Walker, who submitted the plan being voted on Tuesday. "We've tried to carefully slice what we thought we could without cutting off our ability to respond. Now we're looking at bad choices among bad choices."


Counties may legally cut services to illegal immigrants. Although hospitals receiving Medicaid funds must provide emergency care for anyone who needs it, there is no law requiring health care providers to offer primary care.


Health officials and immigrant advocates say they do not know how many local health systems provide primary care to undocumented immigrants. Officials note that many hospitals and clinics do not ask a patient's immigration status, in part because treating chronic conditions such as asthma and hypertension keeps patients from emergency room visits that are far less effective and more expensive.


The fraying of the safety net provided by local health systems could have serious consequences — not only for illegal immigrants, who are among the most vulnerable, but for the rest of the population, said Sonal Ambegaokar, health policy attorney at National Immigration Law Center.

"Cutting care, you save $100 today, but you may end spending $500 tomorrow when that person shows up in the emergency room because you didn't provide them with basic medication," said Ambegaokar. "It's shortsighted."


Asking local health officials to verify immigration status also is problematic, said Julia Harumi Mass, staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.


"The devil's in the details. Asking county workers to act as immigration officials puts them in a difficult position," she said.


For Barrios, the economic crisis has already hit home. The same economic forces that slashed Sacramento County's sales and property tax revenues also took her husband's job in a landscaping firm, and the family's bills are piling up, she said.


"I have no insurance, no resources, nothing to fall back on," said Barrios, who has one daughter. "I have no idea what I will do.."

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March 15, 2009 - 7:17 p.m. EDT

 
Comment: We are going to have to expand our whole consciousness about basic humane rights for all people, including and especially for health care. If there is a health need and we are able to help then we should able and capable of actually helping, no matter what the legal or financial status of the patient involved. We need to raise our level of understanding about basic humane rights and support meeting the needs of people anywhere in the world!

Education for Liberation! Join Up!
Peter S. Lopez aka: Peta
Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/THIRD-WORLD-NEWS/

http://www.NetworkAztlan.com




Where Education and Assimilation Collide: NY Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/15/us/15immig.html?ref=us

March 15, 2009

Where Education and Assimilation Collide

WOODBRIDGE, Va. — Walking the halls of Cecil D. Hylton High School outside Washington, it is hard to detect any trace of the divisions that once seemed fixtures in American society.


Two girls, a Muslim in a headscarf and a strawberry blonde in tight jeans, stroll arm in arm. A Hispanic boy wearing a Barack Obama T-shirt gives a high-five to a black student with glasses and an Afro. The lanky homecoming queen, part Filipino and part Honduran, runs past on her way to band practice. The student body president, a son of Laotian refugees, hangs fliers about a bake sale.


But as old divisions vanish, waves of immigration have fueled new ones between those who speak English and those who are learning how.

Walk with immigrant students, and the rest of Hylton feels a world apart. By design, they attend classes almost exclusively with one another. They take separate field trips. And they organize separate clubs.


"I am thankful to my teachers because the little bit of English I am able to speak, I speak because of them," Amalia Raymundo, from Guatemala, said during a break between classes. But, she added, "I feel they hold me back by isolating me."


Her best friend, Jhosselin Guevara, also from Guatemala, joined in. "Maybe the teachers are trying to protect us," she said. "There are people who do not want us here at all."


In the last decade, record numbers of immigrants, both legal and illegal, have fueled the greatest growth in public schools since the baby boom. The influx has strained many districts' budgets and resources and put classrooms on the front lines of America's battles over whether and how to assimilate the newcomers and their children.


Inside schools, which are required to enroll students regardless of their immigration status and are prohibited from even asking about it, the debate has turned to how best to educate them.


Hylton High, where a reporter for The New York Times spent much of the past year, is a vivid laboratory. Like thousands of other schools across the country, it has responded to the surge of immigrants by channeling them into a school within a school. It is, in effect, a contemporary form of segregation that provides students learning English intensive support to meet rising academic standards — and it also helps keep the peace.

In a nation where most students learning English lag behind other groups by almost every measure, Hylton's program stands out for its students' high test scores and graduation rates. However, at this ordinary American high school, in an ordinary American suburb at a time of extraordinary upheaval, those achievements come with considerable costs.


The calm in the hallways belies resentments simmering among students who barely know one another. They readily label one another "stupid" or "racist." The tensions have at times erupted into walkouts and cafeteria fights, including one in which immigrant students tore an American flag off the wall and black students responded by shouting, "Go back to your own country!"


Hylton's faculty has been torn over how to educate its immigrant population. Some say the students are unfairly coddled and should be forced more quickly into the mainstream. And even those who support segregating students admit to soul-searching over whether the program serves the school's needs at the expense of immigrant students, who are relentlessly drilled and tutored on material that appears on state tests but get rare exposure to the kinds of courses, demands or experiences that might better prepare them to move up in American society.


"This is hard for us," said Carolyn Custard, Hylton's principal. "I'm not completely convinced we're right. I don't want them to be separated, but at the same time, I want them to succeed."


Education officials classify some 5.1 million students in the United States — 1 in 10 of all those enrolled in public schools — as English language learners, a 60 percent increase from 1995 to 2005..


Researchers give many causes for the gaps between them and other groups. Perhaps most paradoxical, they say, is that a nation that prides itself on being a melting pot has yet to reach agreement on the best way to teach immigrant students.


In recent years, students learning English have flooded into small towns and suburban school districts that have little experience with international diversity. Meanwhile, teachers and administrators have come under increasing pressure to meet the requirements of the federal No Child Left Behind Act, which links every school's financing and its teachers' jobs to student performance on standardized tests.


The challenges have only intensified with a souring economy and deepening anger over illegal immigration, provoking many Americans to question whether those living here unlawfully should be educated at all.

Political Responses


Across the country, politics is never far from the schoolhouse door. Arizona, California and Massachusetts adopted English-only education policies that limited bilingual services. By contrast, school districts in Georgia and Utah have recruited teachers from Mexico to work with their swelling Latin American populations.


Near Washington, officials in Frederick County, Md., floated the idea of challenging federal law by requiring students to disclose whether they are in the country legally, an idea also proposed by the authorities in Culpeper County, Va.


Then there is Hylton High School's home county, Prince William. What was once a mostly white, middle-class suburb 35 miles southwest of the nation's capital has been transformed by a construction boom into a traffic-choked sprawl of townhouses and strip malls where Latinos are the fastest-growing group.


Neighborhood disputes led the county to enact laws intended to drive illegal immigrants away. White and black families with the means to buy their way out of the turmoil escaped to more affluent areas. Hispanic families, feeling threatened or just plain unwelcome, were torn between those who had legal status and those who did not. Many fled.


By last March, educators reported that at least 759 immigrant students had dropped out of county schools. Hylton, whose 2,200 student population is almost equal parts white, black and Latino and comes from working-class apartment complexes and upscale housing developments, was one of the hardest hit.


The school's program for English learners — a predominantly Latino group that includes students from 32 countries who speak 25 languages — is directed by Ginette Cain, 61, who says she was inspired to teach immigrant students because she was once one herself.


Petite with a shock of red hair, the daughter of a lumberjack and a cook, Ms. Cain was the first in her French-Canadian family to master English when they arrived in Vermont in the 1950s. She served as a bridge between her parents and their new homeland, helping them in meetings with landlords, teachers, doctors and bill collectors.


The hostilities that today's immigrants face, Ms. Cain said, have shaken her faith in bridges.


"I used to tell my students that they had to stay in school," Ms. Cain said, "because eventually the laws would change, they would become citizens of this country, and they needed their diplomas so they could make something of themselves as Americans."


"I don't tell them that anymore," she continued. "Now I tell them they need to get their diplomas because an education will help them no matter what side of the border they're on."


A Crash Program


It was crunch time at Hylton High: 10 minutes until the bell, two weeks before state standardized tests, and a classroom full of blank stares suggesting that Ms. Cain still had a lot of history to cover to get her students ready.


The question hanging in the air: "What is the name for a time of paranoia in the United States that was sparked by the Bolshevik Revolution?"


"What's that?" Delmy Gomez, a junior from El Salvador, said with a grimace that caused his classmates to burst into laughter.


The question might have stumped plenty of high school students. But for Ms. Cain's pupils, it might as well have been nuclear physics.


Freda Conteh had missed long stretches of school in war-torn Sierra Leone. Noemi Caballero, from Mexico, filled notebooks with short stories and poetry in Spanish, but struggled to compose simple sentences in English.


Nuwan Gamage, from Sri Lanka, was distracted by working two jobs to support himself because he found it difficult to live with his mother and her American husband after spending most of his life apart from her. And Edvin Estrada, a Guatemalan, worried about a brother in the Marines, headed off for duty in some undisclosed hot spot.


Few of these students had heard of the Pilgrims, much less the history of Thanksgiving. Idioms like "easy as pie" and "melting pot" were lost on them. They knew little of the American Revolution, much less the Bolshevik.

"American students come to school with a lot of cultural knowledge that other teachers assume they don't have to explain because their kids get it from growing up in this country, watching television or surfing the Internet," Ms. Cain said. "I can't assume any of that."


Education experts estimate that it takes the average learner of English at least two years of study to hold conversations, and five to seven years to write essays, understand a novel or explain scientific processes at the level of their English-speaking peers.


High schools, the last stop between adolescence and adulthood, do not have that kind of time. Getting students to graduation often means catching them up to a field that has a 15-year head start.


In recent decades, some degree of segregation has often been involved in teaching immigrants. Through the 1980s, schools generally pulled them out of the mainstream for at least an hour or two each day for "English as a Second Language" courses that were largely focused on basic English and vocational training.


As national education standards were adopted in 1989, some school districts established dual-language programs that allowed students learning English to study core subjects in their native languages until they were able to move into mainstream classes. Other districts, hit by the largest waves of immigrants, established so-called newcomer schools, where immigrants were clustered to help them adapt to their new surroundings and develop their English skills before moving on to regular schools.


When significant numbers of immigrants began arriving in Prince William County, the school district, like others across the country, essentially created newcomer schools-within-schools, where students learning English are placed for all but a few electives like art, R.O.T.C. or auto mechanics. The goal, educators say, is to give them intensive attention until they are ready to join mainstream classes.


The reality, experts acknowledge, is that only a few high school students ever make that jump.


"I would love nothing better than to have my kids in classes all over the building," Ms. Cain said. "But you know what would happen to them? They'd move to the back of the class, then they'd fail, and then they'd drop out."

She began building her program — known formally as English for Speakers of Other Languages, or ESOL — in 2001, when she enlisted a colleague to teach a separate world history class for those learning English.


Ms. Cain sat in to learn the information, then taught a review class so her students understood the material well enough to pass state tests.

The following years, she set up similar pairs of classes in earth science, biology and American history. A Peruvian teacher, who made fun of his own thick accent so the students would be less self-conscious about theirs, began teaching algebra and geometry. And the head of the English department agreed to teach a class that would help students complete a required research paper.


The curriculum for those learning English covers most of the same material taught in mainstream classes, except that teachers move more slowly and rely more on visual aids. Students in Ms. Cain's program generally outperform other English learners in the state on standardized tests, and do as well or better than Hylton's mainstream students. Last year, for example, all of the English learners passed Virginia's writing exam; by comparison, 97 percent of the general population passed.. In math, 91 percent of Hylton's ESOL students passed the exam, the same percentage as other students. And 89 percent of the English learners passed the history exam, compared with 91 percent of the others.


Teaching to Tests


The consistently good scores turned out by Hylton's English learners gave rise to suspicions of cheating a few years ago, which a state audit concluded were unfounded. But watching the program up close reveals that certain tricks and shortcuts are built in.


Sample tests are published on the Internet, for example. Ms. Cain studies them and uses them as guides. "It used to be that we were told not to teach to the test," she said. "Now, that's what everyone tells us, from state administrators on down."


"Teachers know what's going to be on the test," she added. "And if you only have a limited amount of time, that's what you're going to teach."

Compared with mainstream students, the average English learner at Hylton spends twice the time with twice the number of teachers on core subjects needed to graduate. Their classes are light on lectures and heavy on drills, games and worksheets intended to help them memorize facts about topics as varied as European monarchies, rock formation and the workings of the human heart.


At Hylton, freshmen finish Shakespeare's "Romeo and Juliet" in a month, while immigrants pore over it for an entire semester. Most mainstream students take tests with essay questions on the phases of the water cycle; the English learners have the option to draw posters, like one by a Bolivian-born boy who depicted himself as a water molecule rising from an ice cube, drifting into a cloud and raining over his homeland.


The immigrant students are given less homework and rarely get failing grades if they demonstrate good-faith efforts. They are given more credit for showing what they know in class participation than on written assignments. And on state standardized tests, they are offered accommodations unavailable to other students.


Teachers, for example, are allowed to read test questions to them. In some cases, the students are permitted to respond orally while teachers record their answers.


In Ms. Cain's 90-minute history review classes, which can touch on topics from the reign of Marie Antoinette to the Iraq war, getting ready for tests often seems the sole objective. Ms. Cain routinely interrupts discussions to emphasize potential questions.


"Write this down," she told a class one day. "There's always a question about Huguenots."


Significant historical episodes are often reduced to little more than sound bites. "You don't really need to know anything more about the Battle of Britain, except that it was an air strike," Ms. Cain told one class. "If you see a question about the Battle of Britain on the test, look for an answer that refers to air strikes."


Often, she manages to combine her test tips with comparisons to historical struggles and the ones her students face today. That is how she taught them about the aftershocks of the Bolshevik Revolution. The period of paranoia that gripped the United States, she told students, was known as the Red Scare.


"If you see a question about Bolsheviks on the test," Ms. Cain said, "the answer is probably Red Scare."


Unsatisfied, Delmy asked whether Americans were right to have been afraid of a Communist invasion.


"This kind of fear has happened a few times in our history," Ms. Cain said. "You know, where we blame foreigners for our problems, for wrecking the economy, for stealing our jobs. You see where I'm going?"


Melting Pot/Pressure Cooker


Like so many other suburban communities transformed by immigration, Prince William County was overwhelmed as much by the pace of the change as by its scale.


In a blink of history's eye, this commuter community became one of the 12 fastest-growing counties in the country, with a Hispanic population that surged to 19 percent from 2 percent, far outpacing growth by any other group since 1980. The enrollment of children with limited proficiency in English grew 219 percent. The county, the scene of some of the first skirmishes of the Civil War, became a battleground again.


Corey A. Stewart, chairman of the all-white, predominantly Republican Board of Supervisors, led the cause of those who argued that illegal immigrants — an estimated 30 percent of all those moving into the county — were an undue burden on taxpayers. It cost Prince William $40.2 million, about 5 percent of the school budget, to provide additional services to students with limited English last year, for example.


Mr. Stewart ordered his staff to identify services the county could deny to illegal immigrants. And he was a co-author of an ordinance that would have allowed the county police to check the immigration status of anyone they stopped whom they also suspected of living in the country illegally. (The authorities later backed off, limiting the police to checking the status of anyone arrested.)


"We didn't set out to pass a law addressing immigration," Mr. Stewart said in an interview. "We wanted to address issues involving problems in housing, in hospitals, in schools and with crime. And we found that when we looked at all those areas, illegal immigration was driving a lot of the problems."


In neighborhoods, however, many people did not make distinctions between legal and illegal immigrants. Some residents complained of a "foreign invasion." Constructive dialogue was often drowned out by hate-filled blogs, headlines and protests. And school boundaries were bitterly contested, with some families moving their children into schools with lower populations of immigrants, and others flexing their political influence to try to keep the immigrants out.


Many parents worried that the Latino influx strained schools' resources, eroding the quality of their children's education.


"I have no problem with immigrants," said Lori Bauckman-Moore, a mother of five who said her mother came through Ellis Island. "But so many of these kids don't speak English. I'm talking fourth, fifth and sixth grades, where half of the kids don't understand what their teachers are telling them. How can my child learn when teachers have to spend most of their time focused on the kids who cannot keep up with the curriculum?"

At Hylton, Ms. Cain's school-within-a-school began to feel like a bunker. Two brothers from El Salvador vented in class about always having to look over their shoulders, and then stopped coming to school. A boy from Mexico disappeared, calling a month later to ask Ms. Cain to send his transcripts to Houston.


Eventually the tumult threatened the teacher's pet: Jorge Rosales, a shy, strapping Mexican who wore gel in his hair and a medallion of the Virgin of Guadalupe around his neck.


When Jorge arrived at Hylton his sophomore year, he was reading at a sixth-grade level and failing most classes. Two years later, he was playing on the soccer team and on his way to graduating with honors.


But early last year, six months from getting his diploma, Jorge told Ms. Cain his father had lost his construction job, his parents had fallen behind in their mortgage payments, and, since no one in the Rosales family was in the country legally, his mother lived in fear that a minor traffic infraction could lead to deportation.


Ms. Cain called each member of the County Board of Supervisors and told them the crackdown was infringing on immigrant students' rights to an education. "They told me I was the only person calling to complain," she said. "All their other calls were from people who supported what they were doing."


Before long, the polarization outside Hylton reinforced the divide between the two groups of students inside the school.


Teachers set the tone. In their classrooms, some tiptoed around the immigration debate or avoided it altogether. Advisers to student groups created to examine pressing issues — including the school newspaper, the Model United Nations and the World of Difference Club — similarly ignored the matter. And the teachers for those learning English made little effort to organize activities that would bring them and mainstream students together.


"To create a positive environment for my kids," Ms. Cain said, "I've had to control who they're exposed to."


The silence and separation fueled an us-versus-them dynamic. The president of Hylton's parent-teacher-student organization recalled her daughter complaining about an immigrant student wearing a T-shirt that said, "They Can't Deport Us All." A Peruvian mother remembered her son coming home and asking, "Are we legal?"


When asked why they did not have any friends among the immigrant students, some mainstream students responded by mentioning a worker who did not finish a job their parents had paid for, or a line of pregnant women at the clinic where their mother works, or a gang member who stole a friend's books.


"I identify with the people I hang around with," said an editor of the student newspaper, who is not named because she spoke without her parents' permission. "My friends' parents are not cashiers or people who wash dishes."


When Ms. Cain's students are asked why they have not made friends outside their group, they often tell stories about a customer who cursed at them while they were working at McDonald's, or an employer who cheated their father of his wages, or a student who told them to stop speaking Spanish on the school bus.


Romina Benitez Aguero said that a neighbor greeted her cheerfully on the street, but that the woman's daughters — both Hylton students — snubbed her.


And Francisco Espinal, from Honduras, said a teacher once shouted at him for running in the halls. "This is not your country," he recalled the teacher saying. "You are in America now."


Costs Versus Benefits


The more Amalia Raymundo goes to school, the more she feels her options narrowing. She was a rising star in her remote village in Guatemala, the region's beauty queen and a candidate for college scholarships. But she came to this country two years ago to get to know a mother she had not seen since she was a baby, with the belief that an American education would help her fulfill her dreams of "becoming someone."


She works hard to make all A's. But this year, she started to wonder whether the work was worth it, and she nearly dropped out.


Amalia's classes are all in English. Still, Amalia, 19, worries that because she spends most of her school day speaking Spanish with other students, and then with her parents at home, it could be years before she is able to speak, read and write English fluently enough to compete for college.


It means she has had little access to peers and networks that might help her learn to better navigate her new country, apply for scholarships, make her own MySpace page or drive a car. She lives an hour's drive from Washington, but has visited only once, on a field trip with other immigrant students.


"If I am going to end up cleaning houses with my mother," Amalia said to explain why she almost quit Hylton, "why go to high school?"

Hylton's program has become a source of pride for helping immigrant students succeed in school, but also a target of criticism that segregated classes have handicapped students by isolating them and "dumbing down" the curriculum.


"High schools have to make a pragmatic choice when it comes to these kids," said Peter B.. Bedford, a history teacher who supports the program. "Are you going to focus on educating them, or socially integrating them?"

"This school has made the choice to focus on education," he added. "The best tools we can give them to function in this society are their diplomas."

But Amy Weiler, an assistant principal, worried whether the program had turned high school into more of an end than a beginning. "If you ask whether our program is successful at getting our students to pass tests, the data would indicate that it is," Ms. Weiler said. "But if you ask whether we are helping our students to assimilate, there's no data to answer that question."


"My fear," she added, "is that if we take a look at where our ESOL students are 10 years from now, we're going to be disappointed."


Studies suggest that English learners in separate, so-called sheltered classrooms perform better in school than do the majority of their peers who are immersed in the mainstream with little or no language support. There has been no systematic tracking, however, of English learners beyond graduation to determine whether schools are leveling playing fields or perpetuating the inequalities of a stratified society.


Some students, of course, successfully climb into the middle class and beyond, as generations of immigrants before them have. But Hispanic college graduation rates — 16 percent of 25- to 29-year-old Hispanics born in the United States hold a college degree, compared with 34 percent of whites and 62 percent of Asian-Americans — suggest that many recent immigrants and their children are not going to college.


Ms. Cain's anecdotal evidence bears that out. A handful of her students go on to four-year colleges, while others enroll in community colleges or join the armed services. The majority, however, eventually move into the same low-skilled jobs as their parents.


"I love hearing from my students," Ms. Cain said. "But then again, I don't, because I usually don't hear what I had hoped."


Those hopes, for example, had propelled Ms. Cain's star student, Jorge, to graduation. After his family moved to Alexandria, she adjusted his schedule so his mother could drive him the hour to school.


He loved Hylton, he recalled in an interview. "It is the only place where everybody has the same chance," he said. But now, without enough money for college — and English skills still so weak that completing community college seems a much more daunting prospect — he installs drywall with his father.


He still remembers the architectural design class he took at Hylton and the ambitions to become a foreman it inspired. "Sometimes when I see the floor plans," he said wistfully, "I think about high school."

Amalia, who once thought about becoming a doctor, has also learned to adjust her sights.


"When I came to this country, I had my bags packed with dreams," she said. "Now I see my dreams are limited."

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Education for Liberation! Join Up!
Peter S. Lopez aka: Peta
Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/THIRD-WORLD-NEWS/

http://www.NetworkAztlan.com




Slain workers sought better life for families

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/29678681/

Slain workers sought better life for families
By dlevinsky@phillyBurbs.com
PhillyBurbs.com
updated 12:12 a.m. PT, Sun., March. 15, 2009


Levittown - Marcial Morales-Maldonado left his wife and six children behind in Honduras to travel to the United States to earn enough money to provide them with money for a better life at home.


One of seven brothers, Alex Aguilar had similar dreams about earning higher wages and living better in America.


Both worked tirelessly on a Springfield horse farm in order to send the majority of their earnings to family members still living in Honduras.

Now the leader of a nonprofit social services group wants to make sure their brutal deaths don't reflect poorly on the area's large, often hidden population of Latino immigrants.


"This is a tremendous tragedy and the whole Latino community is feeling the pain," Angela Mateo Gonzalez, executive director of Servicios Latinos de Burlington County, said Wednesday.


The nonprofit group assists immigrant workers and is helping family members of the two victims raise money for their burial.


Gonzalez described the victims as hardworking immigrants who had lived and worked on the Sterling Chase Horse Farm on Highland Road for the last four to five years. Their coworkers and bunkmates, Carlos and Cesar Reyes, also had traveled to the United States from Honduras.


Carlos Reyes, 41, was charged Wednesday with two counts of murder for allegedly hacking Aguilar and Morales-Maldonado to death with a machete. Authorities said Cesar Reyes, 38, witnessed the murders and afterwards fled with his brother to Texas.


Investigators said the murders were the result of an alcohol-fueled argument between Carlos Reyes and the two victims. The subject of the argument is still undetermined, authorities said.


Gonzalez said the victims' family members aren't sure what sparked the dispute.


"All we know is that Carlos had a short temper," Gonzalez said. "They had lived together for four years, but [Carlos] didn't handle arguments very well. We're so disappointed two individuals had to die this way. It's horrible."


She said immigrants often have problems with alcohol, and getting them to seek treatment is difficult.


"Prevention is something we try to teach, but a lot of individuals develop addictions to alcohol in their home countries," Gonzalez said.


She urged Burlington County residents not to think ill of immigrant workers because of the killing.


"We're very sorry this tragedy occurred, but we do not want people to perceive [Hispanic immigrants] differently. People from all nationalities commit crimes so let's not start labeling," Gonzalez said.


She also said the men should not be condemned for being undocumented immigrants. She said immigrants like them fill unwanted jobs in America and work harder than most job holders.


"Most have family in their home countries they're trying to support. They work like nobody works," Gonzalez said.


Prosecutors said Wednesday that Springfield police had no previous contact with the four farmworkers prior to the murders.


Springfield Mayor Denis McDaniel also said he didn't think illegal immigrants posed a problem in the rural township.


"It has not been an issue, locally," McDaniel said Wednesday.

Staff writer Mark Zimmaro contributed to this story.

Email: dlevinsky@phillyBurbs.com

URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/29678681/


Comment: All of us who consider ourselves in any kind of position where we need to set an example for responsible and accountable leadership should set an real example for being sane and sober, avoid drunkenness and work on our own spiritual growth. This insane incident that led to death could of been easily avoided with the proper precautions. Stay straight!
 

Education for Liberation! Join Up!
Peter S. Lopez aka: Peta
Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/THIRD-WORLD-NEWS/

http://www.NetworkAztlan.com




Judge appointments are Obama's chance to shape California courts: LA Times

http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-judges15-2009mar15,0,5254301.story

Judge appointments are Obama's chance to shape California courts

While campaigning, he emphasized bipartisanship and vowed to name judges with 'empathy' and 'heart.' How will those promises play out?
By Carol J. Williams
March 15, 2009
President Obama is preparing to name six new federal judges for California, an opportunity to put his stamp on the judiciary that has court-watchers recalling his campaign promises to make selections in a bipartisan manner and to name judges with "empathy" and "heart."

Many liberals say they are hoping Obama appoints lower-court judges and legal scholars guided by sympathy as well as the law, to begin reversing the sweeping conservative population of the federal bench executed by his predecessor.

Conservatives tend to argue that laws should be strictly applied to avoid infusing justice with a judge's personal views and values.

A president's choices for district courts are usually less controversial than his picks for circuit courts of appeal and the Supreme Court. District courts are relied on to simply apply the law at trial, while appeals court judges have more latitude to interpret a law's intent and context.

Because George W. Bush had so many appointments to three of the state's four federal district courts during his presidency, the benches are markedly conservative. Many of his picks may serve through and beyond even a two-term Obama presidency.

"This may not be typical of the rest of the country, but Obama may not be able to do much to affect the appointing-president balance in those courts," Russell Wheeler, a federal judiciary scholar with the Brookings Institution in Washington, said of the district courts for central, southern and eastern California.

Obama's chance to shift the balance at the appeals court level is greater, analysts say. The San Francisco-based appeals court has two vacancies now and a third opening early next year. It could see six more if Congress passes a bill seen as long-overdue relief for overwhelmed judges.

Vetting committees put together by California's two Democratic senators are already screening district court candidates, and names are being floated to the White House for the appeals court that could learn of its first new nominees next month.

Senate Republicans have already signaled their intent to challenge any Obama choices they consider too liberal by filibustering, a threat that could stall the administration's plans to quickly fill the 65 vacancies nationwide.

Some analysts see the threat as playing to the senators' conservative base more than as a genuine intention to tie up confirmations.

"Even if a larger proportion turn out to be ideological than I expect, they'll pick and choose their fights," Arthur Hellman, a University of Pittsburgh law professor and federal judiciary expert, said of the Senate Republicans, who have just a one-vote margin for stalling confirmations. "There are so many other things they care about."

Hellman points to Obama's campaign-trail call for judges with "heart" and "empathy" as an indication of the qualities he'll seek in his appointments, as well as experience handling complex cases emanating from California's leading industries.

"I think what we will see at the district court level is not ideological appointments but people with a reputation for competence and accomplishment," Hellman said, noting that judges in this state are often called upon to decide issues in entertainment, technology, biomedicine and intellectual property.

Obama has said little since his inauguration about how he'll select judges, having focused so far on quelling economic turmoil and plotting an exit from the war in Iraq.

But the courts are important to him and he'll want to appoint judges who share his ideology and values, said Peter Eliasberg of the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California.

"Barack Obama will care about diversity and expend his political capital on judges," Eliasberg said, contrasting the new president with President Bill Clinton, who tended to back down when the Republican-controlled Congress signaled dislike for his nominees.

Wendy E. Long, legal counsel for the conservative Judicial Confirmation Network and a former law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, says Obama has sent "conflicting signals" on how he'll make his nominations.

"Empathy is a great quality and we all want to have it," Long said. "But when you walk into a courtroom and want to listen to your own heart and values, that means you're not following the law, which is what judges are supposed to do."

Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer, whom the president is required to turn to for advice and consent on California judicial nominations, used bipartisan screening committees when Bush was president to find candidates acceptable to both parties. Their decisions to retain that bipartisan approach were aimed at avoiding confirmation conflicts.

"These committees are made up of highly regarded attorneys who know their legal communities well," Feinstein said in explaining her commitment to getting input from both major parties. "I am confident that the committee members will do their utmost to help me identify the most qualified candidates."

That should help limit Republican opposition to Obama's nominees "as long as people understand that the bipartisanship is going to be in the vetting, not the appointments," said Wheeler, the Brookings analyst. "I hope nobody's got their hopes up that Obama is going to be appointing 50% Republican judges."

Obama will put a premium on diversity, judicial analysts overwhelmingly predict. Of special concern to those who want to see more women and minorities on the federal bench is the Northern District of California, where all but three of the 14 judges are white and there are no Asian Americans or Latinos despite their significant populations in the region.

"I think that is an abysmal record. I can't say enough about how outrageous that is," said Niki Solis, president-elect of the San Francisco La Raza Lawyers Assn.

While Obama's campaign rallying cry for public service is expected to prompt civic-minded lawyers and legal scholars to apply for federal judgeships, some analysts worry that the best legal minds may be discouraged by the courts' noncompetitive salaries and crushing workloads.

Federal district judges earn $169,300 a year and circuit judges $179,500, both fractions of what a top lawyer can earn in private practice.

"I don't know that the prestige and even the interesting work can compensate for the financial sacrifices judges are being asked to make," said Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor who is now a professor at Loyola Law School.

A bill that died in the last Congress would have created 14 new appeals court judgeships and 50 for district benches. It has been revived in the current legislative session but faces an uphill battle amid demands for funding of jobs likely to stimulate the economy.

Court-watchers expect the bill to eventually pass due to the staggering case backlogs. The 9th Circuit, which includes California, is the slowest, taking 20 months on average to decide an appeal.

carol.williams@latimes.com



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