Tuesday, May 26, 2009

Re: Prayer Vigil and peaceful demonstration In solidarity and support with 65 tribes, indigenous peoples in Peru,

http://www.aidesep.org.pe/

http://www.redambientalloretana.org/en/

http://www.amazonwatch..org/
 
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Education for Liberation!
Peter S. Lopez ~aka: Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Yahoo Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com


http://anhglobal.ning.com/group/humanerightsagenda
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NetworkAztlan_News/
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From: "tlacayaotzin@aol.com" <tlacayaotzin@aol.com>
To: networkaztlan_news@yahoogroups.com; networkaztlan_action@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 26, 2009 11:02:10 AM
Subject: [NetworkAztlan_News] Prayer Vigil and peaceful demonstration In solidarity and support with 65 tribes, indigenous peoples in Peru,



Prayer Vigil and peaceful demonstration In solidarity and support with 65 tribes,1000 communities and more than 30,000 indigenous peoples in Peru, Hollywood celebrities, Activists and Indigenous youth are pulling together in a Prayer Vigil and peaceful demonstration In solidarity and support with 65 tribes,1000 communities and more than 30,000 indigenous
peoples in Peru, who are being Criminalized by their government for holding peaceful protests throughout the country's Amazon region. Since April 9th, for fundamental human rights.

Celebrities attending to help raise awareness and on the docket to
speak are: Q'orianka Kilcher (The New World, The People Speak), Clifton Collins jr (Star Trek, The Horsemen), Alex Meraz (The Twilight Saga-New Moon), Jesse Garcia (Quinceañera)

Other celebrity activists lending their support to this event are Colin Farrell, Woody Harrelson, and Esai Morales

PRAYER VIGIL AND PACEFUL DEMOTSTRATION IS SOLARITY AND SUPPORT 65 TRIBES IN PERU.

When: Tuesday, May 26th, 6:30 pm

Where: In front of the Consulate General of Peru , 3450 Wilshire Blvd, Los Angeles, CA 90010, cross street Mariposa
What: We call on the Peruvian Government to respect the rights of its indigenous peoples and refrain from using military force,violence, repression and bloodshed in their response to the Indigenous mobilizations. Furthermore we strongly urge the Peruvian press and media to commit to accurate press coverage of=20 the protests and stop radicalizing and distorting the position of the indigenous protestors in the eyes of the public.

Why: : For the past 43 days, Thousands of indigenous people have been blockading roads and river traffic throughout the
Amazon in peaceful protests, demanding the repeal of a series of new laws imposed by the Garcia Administration under the pretext of implementing the Free Trade agreements (FTA) with the United States .

Protesters demand the revocation of 10 new legal decrees, which grant international corporate access to Amazonian lands and allow oil, logging and mining companies to buy large parcels of communally-owned indigenous land without the consent of the local inhabitants.

These new laws directly undermine indigenous peoples rights and violate rights recognized in the national constitution as well as in international treaties, including the United Nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples and the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169..

Implementing these new legal decrees, result in a government backed land-grab by large international corporations and the extractive industries and set the stage for water privatization. , In spite of the fact that the consequences of such laws directly affecting indigenous peoples life's, wellbeing and in some cases even their survival, the new laws allow for Indigenous peoples to be excluded from the decision making process .

On Ma
y 9, 2009, the Peruvian government declared a state of emergency in the regions of Loreto, Amazonas, Cusco, and Ucayali in an attempt to criminalize and intimidate whatever protests occur on indigenous territory. This action is a license for the government to violently repress Indigenous People and the Peruvian Government is subjecting indigenous areas to military occupation in order to silence indigenous community opponents of extractive industries.

Under the emergency decree, all constitutional rights have been
suspended — including the right to hold meetings and freedom of
movement. The measure also permits the use of armed forces against the civil population, criminalizing the legitimate rights and demands of the Peruvian indigenous nations, as well as endangering normal democratic rights.

Accurate news reports out of Peru have been extremely scarce, despite the sad news that one protester is dead, 9 more critically wounded, 6 indigenous leaders detained and several people gone missing in a recent confrontation with military police.

Video and photo evidence show police beating peaceful protesters and firing rubber bullets in order to break up demonstrations blocking roads and bridges.
Also, In an aggressive harassment campaign, the Garcia government has filed criminal charges of treason and sedition against 6 indigenous leaders including Alberto Pizango, president of AIDESEP, Peru's national indigenous organization Furthermore, the government appears to be carrying out a strategy to control press coverage of both the mobilization and the response

Contact: On-Q initiative / Q'orianka Kilcher peru.initiative@ yahoo.com
Tel: 310-696-9424
Interview and photo requests : QPR publicity qpr.publicity@ gmail.com

http://www.aidesep. org.pe/ --- http://www.redambie ntalloretana. org/ ---
http://amazonwatch.org/

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Martha Ugarte
Community Guidance Media Network
(818)398-2578
Fax (818) 920-0790

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Sunday, May 24, 2009

Whites become minority in Kansas county: CNN

http://www.cnn.com/2009/LIVING/wayoflife/05/22/garden.city.kansas.minorities/index.html

Whites become minority in Kansas county

updated 12:44 p.m. EDT, Fri May 22, 2009
By Sean Callebs
CNN

FINNEY COUNTY, Kansas (CNN) -- U.S. communities are changing complexion as ethnic diversity grows in the American heartland.

Beet farming brought immigrants like Sue Rodriguez and her family from Mexico in the early 1900s.

Beet farming brought immigrants like Sue Rodriguez and her family from Mexico in the early 1900s.


Though not new in California, Arizona, Texas or Florida, the change of demographics is a bit more surprising in southwest Kansas.

Finney County, Kansas, is one of six counties across the nation that became majority-minority between 2007 and 2008, the U.S. Census Bureau recently announced. The agency defines majority-minority as a county where more than half the population is made up of a group that is not single-race, non-Hispanic white.


Nearly 10 percent (309) of the nation's 3,142 counties were majority-minority as of July 1, 2008.


"Why there?" people ask Tim Cruz, former mayor of Garden City, Kansas, the largest town in Finney County. And then, "How do you all get along?"


"It's just another melting pot you know," Cruz says. "It makes it nice to have those different cultures. And sure they're different -- we have to understand what they celebrate and why they do it."


In the last couple of decades, massive meatpacking plants in Garden City have drawn workers from Southeast Asia and Somalia. Video Watch diversity in the heartland »

You can smell the major industry of Garden City before you actually reach it and the stockyards that feed the meatpacking plants have their own unmistakable odor.

After high school, Cruz worked one year in the meatpacking plant and that one year was enough for him. But he says Somalis, and many southeast Asians come to the area for the steady work, and a steady paycheck -- even if the work is tough.


"Very dangerous, long hours," he says. "I am grateful that they do that work. Now, I know why my dad said stay in school, you know."


At the Alta Brown Elementary School, the native language of about half of the 409 students is something other than English.

New Majority-Minority Counties
Finney, Kansas
Orange County, Florida
Stanislaus, California
Warren, Mississippi
Edwards, Texas
Schleicher, Texas
Source: U.S. Census Bureau

Cruz's wife of 26 years, Penny Cruz, teaches English as a second language there. In one class, she leads four kids in a card game of "Go Fish" to help them grasp their new language. Five-year-old Robert is from Burma and has only been in the country a few months. His grasp of English at this stage is mostly mimicry.. If the teacher says, "Robert," he'll smile broadly and repeat his name.


Penny Cruz says the town is getting more and more diverse, adding, "I think we all blend together and get along. There are ups and downs but for the most part I think we're all pretty accepting of whoever comes into our community and into our classrooms."

Majority-Minority States

Minority percentages
Hawaii --75 percent
New Mexico -- 58 percent
California -- 58 percent
Texas -- 53 percent

Source: U.S. Census Bureau


But not all of Finney County's some 41,000 residents are thrilled by the increasing cultural diversity.


The day before public schools let out for the summer, teenagers of all colors were skateboarding, tossing a football, and kicking around a ball in Finney Park. Teacher Linda Turner admits while she's cooking hamburgers for the kids that she's heard some complaints about the area's newest residents.


"There were always whispers," she says. "Out at Wal-Mart you hear, 'Oh, look at how they're dressed ... wonder where they're from, what they're doing here?' Especially if they weren't speaking English."


But much of the United States is looking more like Garden City. New census figures show more than one-third of the people in the United States are non-white and a staggering 47 percent of the population under the age of 5 are a minority.


The latest census figures show four states as majority-minority in 2008: Hawaii (75 percent), New Mexico (58 percent), California (58 percent) and Texas (53 percent). The District of Columbia was 67 percent minority. No other state had more than a 43 percent minority population.


For more than 100 years, Hispanics have lived in Finney County. Tim Cruz's grandmother moved to Garden City in 1910. He doesn't remember the name of the Mexican town she left, but does remember that she instilled a good work ethic in him as a young child.


"She was always a hard worker, " Cruz says, "very dedicated to her work and their church. That's what I remember about my Grandma."


He also remembers as a boy being told, "Don't speak Spanish, you're in America, speak English." And now, despite trying to learn on many different occasions, Tim Cruz can't speak Spanish.


This Midwest enclave, home to hamburgers and hot dogs, is giving way to Vietnamese pho, or Mexican tacos.


Police Chief James Hawkins admits communication with some residents can be a problem for his officers. Hawkins, a 25-year veteran of the force, has nine Hispanic officers on a staff of 58. Not enough he says, but he's trying to add more diversity..


"I have an officer who achieved citizenship about five years ago," the chief says. "He came from deep down in Mexico, and said that's all he ever wanted to do is be a police officer. When he came to the United States, he learned English and has been going to school. That's what he wanted to do, become a police officer, but you have to be a citizen to do that."

For many immigrant residents, life in Kansas, even working at the meatpacking plants, is much better than where they came from. But Cruz wants the immigrants to know, in his words, that "the American dream is much greater."


"We catch them trying to tell their kids they don't need to go to college because this is a good life," Cruz says. "We have to help educate them saying, 'No, there is even a better life than doing this and your kids can get to do that.' "


Cruz seems most pleased that his sleepy small town, is just that, and not rife with racial and ethnic tension and violence.


"I have no magic words. I would just say open arms to people that come in your community because they might be the person that's going to help you when you have times of struggle," Cruz says.


"We're all here for one reason, and someday we'll be gone, and you know, what kind of mark are you going to leave -- good mark, or a bad mark. There are a lot of good people, just try to be a good person."

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Education for Liberation!
Peter S. Lopez ~aka: Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Yahoo Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com

http://anhglobal.ning.com/group/humanerightsagenda
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NetworkAztlan_News/
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Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Leaders Call for a California Constitutional Convention

http://www.wcvi.org/press_room/press_releases/2009/CAConstConv052009.htm

Press Release

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE - May 20, 2009

Contact: Steven Ochoa, 323-222-2217

Leaders Call for a California Constitutional Convention

Collapsed System and Massive Financial Deficit Requires New Vision for State

(Los Angeles, CA) - Today, the William C. Velasquez Institute (WCVI) joins the call for the creation of a new California constitutional convention to fix California's broken fiscal and governance systems. With the failure of all the significant California budget propositions in yesterday's Special Election to help close the estimated over $20 billion dollar budget deficit, California is engulfed in a financial crisis that could ruin the state and is left few mechanisms to allow state problems to be responsibly addressed.


"California is now ungovernable. Our state should be a paradise given its natural resources, higher education system, rich cultural diversity, geographic location, climate, and diverse economy, yet Sacramento is tied in knots by special interest-serving laws and policies.. A constitutional convention is indispensable to return us to our rightful place as a state that leads America and the world in achieving opportunity and prosperity for all," said Antonio Gonzalez, WCVI President.

This issue began to be addressed at a California Constitutional Convention Summit held in Sacramento, California on February 24, 2009. The Summit, co-sponsored by WCVI and hosted by the Bay Area Council, brought together 400 Californians to discuss the possible convening of a Constitutional Convention, at which delegates would revise or create a new California state constitution.


In response, WCVI recently convened a Southern California organizing committee (list attached). The organizing committee is set to conduct a townhall in Southern California, tentatively set in Los Angeles on Friday, June 12, 2009. This townhall will be an opportunity to gather input from the community on solutions for the broken system and the process of convening a Constitutional Convention. Location to be determined.


Added Gonzalez, "Latinos, African-Americans, and Asians need to be included in the planning stages to make sure that our communities are heard. Together, we are a majority of the state, and soon to be over 70% of the state's population. We are more vested in fixing California, ensuring a future of opportunity and prosperity, than any others."


Additonal Information:

Organizing Committee List: The committee includes representatives of Courage Campaign, Advancement Project, California Forward, Center for the Study of Los Angeles, Power PAC, New America Foundation, KPFK, Bread for the World, MAPA, NALAAC, and MALDEF.

From The Economist

Bay Area Council Release 5/20/09:

New Site: http://www.repaircalifornia.org/index.php

 About WCVI

The William C. Velásquez Institute (WCVI) is a tax-exempt, non-profit, non-partisan public policy analysis organization chartered in 1985. The purpose of WCVI is to: conduct research aimed at improving the level of political and economic participation in Latino and other underrepresented communities; To provide information to Latino leaders relevant to the needs of their constituents; To inform the Latino leadership and public about the impact of public policies on Latinos; To inform the Latino leadership and public about political opinions and behavior of Latinos.

 

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Education for Liberation!
Peter S. Lopez ~aka: Peta
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
Yahoo Email: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com


http://anhglobal.ning.com/group/humanerightsagenda
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Humane-Rights-Agenda/
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NetworkAztlan_News/
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The Quest for Aztlan:

http://www.aztlan.net/quest_for_aztlan.htm

The Quest for Aztlan



The idea of tracing ancestry, of establishing roots and origins, is a universal concern with many patterns of expression. Some people think of a time of genesis when the world was divinely created; others emphasize an ancestral god or goddess, or a natural phenomenon such as the sun as the source of a royal lineage; still others look to legendary heroes or a geographical feature identified with the founding of a capital city. Modern nations may enshrine historical founders or commemorate the writing of a charter or constitution. For historians of culture the matter of origins more often concerns investigating the way different societies relate to each other in a process of evolution.

The poet and philosopher Octavio Paz has reminded us that in Mexico today, the national project -the future to be created- involves a recognition and acknowledgement of the deep past, salvaging and exalting the achievements of the ancient indigenous peoples and their hispanicized descendants as dynamic part of the nation’s history, while moving into the modernity of the contemporary western world. Nowhere is this vision more concretely expressed than in the National Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City. Visitors to the museum pass through a spacious vestibule before entering the grand patio flanked by exhibition galleries. The second floor contains ethnographic collections of the Indian peoples today while the ground level houses the archaeological collections of their forebears, whose advanced societies formed ancient Mesoamerican civilization between c. 1000 BC and the Spanish arrival in the 1520s. These galleries display artifacts, ritual objects and symbolic works of art from the Olmecs, the Huaxtecs and Totonacs of the Gulf Coast; the Maya of southern Mexico (whose domain also included Guatemala, Belize and parts of Honduras); the Mixtecs and Zapotecs of Oaxaca; Teotihuacan and the Toltecs of the Central Highlands; the peoples of West Mexico and the northern deserts; and the Aztecs whose empire was conquered by Hernán Cortés. The mainstream of cultural development is seen to be most deeply rooted in the south and to have flowed towards the central highlands. But in later centuries cultural influences went back and forth between these regions during the first millennium BC. The large, culminating gallery on the western end of the patio in the Natural History Museum of Anthropology is entirely devoted to the Aztecs. The circular Sun Stone is the most famous monument dominating the exhibition space and commanding the main axis of the patio outside, as if it were the high altar of the entire museum. The hieroglyphics and symbolic figures of the sculptural relief show the Aztecs as the rulers of the world in the present era of creation, called "The Fifth Sun" by the Aztecs. Other imperial Aztec sculptures are ranged below and around this major monument. A large painting by the modern artist Luis Covarrubias reconstructs the Aztec capitol, Tenochtitlan, as it was described in the Letters to Charles V written by Hernan Cortés, and in Bernal Díaz del Castillo’s vivid account, The Conquest of Mexico. Although the Aztecs were latecomers in the succession of Mesoamerican peoples, their dominant place in the design of the National Museum of Anthropology reflects their powerful role in the process of creating modern Mexican national history. The Aztecs have become idealized in popular imagination and officially embody the heroic, indigenous past and the tragedy of foreign conquest. The continuity of Tenochtitlan-Mexico City as the central place of Spanish colonial government and the capitol of the modern republic has contributed strongly to the symbolic elevation of the Aztecs above all other indigenous peoples, as foremost representatives of the ancient, collective cultural inheritance.

Today, ongoing archaeological excavations and research in early Spanish colonial ethnological and historical records continue to expand our knowledge of this dynamic, creative, and martial society. Yet a mystery continues to surround the Aztec’s beginnings. Where was Aztlán, the famous origin place named in their myth of migration? Who were the original Aztecs? By what route did this wandering tribe of hunter-gathers and part-time agriculturists arrive in the Valley of Mexico, a place where sophisticated civilization had flowered for at least 1500 years before Tenochtitlan rose to power? Scholars who have attempted to find the geographical locations of Aztlán, or to trace a route of migration using the 16th century ethnohistoric texts have been curiously unsuccessful. Why so? What did Aztlán really mean to the Aztecs? And what does Aztlán mean today in the United States, as an origin-place and a source of cultural and political identity in the imagination of many in the vast community of immigrants tracing Mexican descent? To find out, we must turn back 500 years to the time when Tenochtitlan was becoming the paramount city of Ancient Mexico.

Inhabited by some 300,000 people in the early 16th century, Tenochtitlan was built upon an island and reclaimed wetlands in Lake Tetzcoco. This shallow body of water occupied a large portion of the Central Valley of Mexico. Today, the lake is drained and the ruins of the Aztec capitol lie beneath the Colonial and modern buildings of downtown Mexico City. Tenochtitlan was approached by long causeways from the mainland across the marshes to the north, west, and south; the east side was open to the lake and a principal landing place for canoes. Four wide pedestrian walkways led in from the principal points of entry, quartering the residential zones and converging on the impressive civic and religious core of the city. Royal palace compounds stood by an open market-plaza, while a large quadrangular enclosure defined the innermost ritual area. In the middle of this sacred precinct a tall pyramid rose above lesser pyramid-platforms and related buildings. This pyramid was of dual construction, each half made with four superimposed stepped-back platforms, upon which stood paired temples of the ancient rain and fertility deity Tlaloc, and the mythical warrior-hero Huitzilopochtli. Among many temples, council-houses and other buildings within the great enclosure there stood a tall scaffolding with transverse poles strung with thousands of skulls of the Aztec’s enemies. These were votive offerings to the many gods enshrined in the enclosure, but most especially to Huitzilopochtli. The skulls also served as terrifying reminders of the military might of Tenochtitlan’s rulers, or this was the hub of an immense empire that demanded tribute from subjected provinces on a regular basis. The teeming Tlatelolco market, described by Hernan Cortés and Bernal Diáz, was one of the extraordinary sights of the Aztec metropolis. In this spacious, ordered commercial space, traders from many towns brought produce from lakeside plantations and other goods from the plains and mountains of the highland region. Long-distance traders displayed exotic luxury items brought by long trains of human carriers from sources on the tropical lowland coasts and the forests and mountains far to the south. Greatly feared throughout the land, the Aztecs of Tenochtitlan and their allies had ruthlessly conquered an empire in central and southern Mexico during the course of the 15th and early 16th centuries—before they were themselves overcome by the expedition of Cortés joined by thousands of Indian warriors from Indian communities rebelling against the Aztec overlords, in the summer of 1521

The Aztec Migration Myth

Early colonial annals and accounts of Aztec life, written by Spanish friars and historians of Indian or Mestizo descent, plus pictorial manuscripts prepared by Indian artists with scholars notation, only trace the Aztecs to the early 13th century with any degree of historical certainty. Similarly, archeological excavations have tended to concentrate on 15th and 16th century sites belonging to the imperial period. As a result, the geographical place of Aztec origins remains to this day an unsolved mystery. The texts say that the Aztecs or, properly speaking, the Mexica-Aztecs, appeared as one of several different tribes of nomadic hunter-gathers and primitive part-time agriculturists, who, in the 13th century, were migrating into the Central Highlands from the northern deserts. This movement followed a very old pattern of migration seen intermittently throughout Mesoamerican history. In response to drought or other harsh ecological conditions, famine, the pressures of other desert peoples or war among city-states in the center, tribes from the arid region had sought their future by migrating into the fertile, well-watered highlands where multi-ethnic, agricultural, urban populations had long flourished. Beyond the 13th century, then, we are forced to rely on the myths and legendary stories recorded by the Mexica-Aztecs as their “official” history. These stories tell of the place of origin, Aztlán, ‘place of cranes,’ located somewhere far to the north. Aztlán is described as an island-hill rising from a lake. It was there that the Aztecs, “crane people,” had emerged from caves and the earth-womb itself in the genesis time of creation. After a while they decided to leave and embarked by canoes to the mainland, where they began a long migration. Soon they were joined by another group, calling themselves the Mexica, “moon people,” who led by a chieftain, Huitzilopochtli, “hummingbird on the left.” It was this legendary leader who commanded the tribe to adopt the spare tool kit and ways of hunting and gathering in the desert. The name Huitzilopochtli may have been a title of office; in any event, it appears thereafter in association with an effigy or fetish-like sacred bundle transported by four priests as the migration continued. These priests voiced Huitzilopochtli’s oracular directions as to where the combined Mexica-Aztec tribe was next to travel. These matters are illustrated in a screenfold pictorial manuscript known as the Tira de la Peregrinación (the migration strip), also named the Codex Boturini, after a European scholar who once owned it.

In the migration account, the combined Mexica-Aztec tribe moves ever onward, stopping from place to place, sometimes for a period of years. In successive locations, cultivation was practiced and a rudimentary ballcourt and pyramid-platform for Huitzilopochtli’s effigy were built . But always the group moved on at their tribal avatar’s urgings. At one point a dissident faction split off from the main tribe, led by the “evil” woman Malinalxóchitl. This group continued on towards the mountains northwest of the Valley of Mexico, where they intermarried with the native Matlazinca people and founded the town Malinalco. Another landmark mentioned is the mountain Culhuacan-Chicomoztoc .This feature is also named in the migration story of the 10th century Tolteca - Chichimeca, and is depicted in an illuminated manuscript (the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca) as an origin-place with a womb-like interior, within which seven tribes are about to emerge. Thus the Aztec imagery of Aztlán is shown to have a much earlier precedent in the legendary history of another migrant people.

The Birth of Huitzilo-Poohtli

At an indeterminate time, seemingly before the migration began, an astonishing event took place at Coatepetl, “Serpent Mountain”. This was the magical birth and supernatural victory of Huitzilopochtli. This mythic episode begins by describing an aged earth-priestess, Coatlicue, “Serpent Skirt”, who is sweeping an earth-shrine atop the mountain Coatepetl. Unexpectedly a ball of feathers fell from the sky and impregnated her with Huitzilopochtli. Soon, Coatlicue’s sons the Centzonhuitznaua “four hundred”, (i.e. “many”), and her elder daughter Coyolxauhqui, all learned of their aged mother’s new pregnancy. Enraged, they determined to slay her; but the old priestess was comforted when Huitzilopochtli, within her womb, said that he would know what to do. The armed host led by Coyolxauhqui advanced fiercely up the mountain. Suddenly, Huitzilopochtli was born, as a fearsome, supernatural warrior. Hurling a flaming “fire serpent” he pierced Coyolxauhqui and cut off her head, sending her body crashing in pieces down the slope of the mountain. Then Huitzilopochtli chased the Centzin-huitznaua around the hill, slaying without mercy. The utter destruction of the enemy was the inevitable, pre-ordained consequence of Huitzilopochtli’s wrath.

The migration story continues with an account of another fabled battle, after the immigrant tribe had arrived in the Valley of Mexico and attempted to settle near the springs of Chapultepec. An enemy chieftain named Copil arrived with a force to confront the squatters. Copil was the vengeful “son” of Malinalxóchitl, leader of the old dissident faction that split from the migrating group long before. The Mexica-Aztecs were defended by Huitzilopochtli who slew Copil and handed his heart to a young warrior who threw it far into the lakeshore marshes. The heart landed at the very place where the wandering tribe would eventually found their pyramid and the capitol city, Tenochtitlan. The site itself is described in supernatural terms: a field of reeds magically turned white, with a white juniper growing by white cattails and willows. White serpents, frogs and fish swam in a spring by the juniper’s roots. Another version of this episode describes twin springs with dark blue and yellow water. Yet these images were also borrowed by the Mexica-Aztecs from earlier sources, for they are clearly depicted in the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca. The final miraculous event seen by the Mexica-Aztecs at the site of their future pyramid was the sight of a splendid eagle perched on a cactus growing on a rocky outcrop. This was taken as a manifestation of a long-sought vision, prophesized by Huitzilopochtli as mystical sign of the place where the tribe was to finally settle. And so it happened in the year 2 house, corresponding to 1325 in the Christian calendar.

What Really Happened When the Aztecs Arrived?

This mythic account thus shows that the Mexica-Aztecs were appropriating and assimilating certain, older well-known themes into their own migration story. To understand why this took place we must turn to other historical records. Fray Diego Durán, who was raised in Mexico and was fluent in the Nahuatl (Aztec) language, wrote The History of the Indies of New Spain, one of the most comprehensive and sympathetic chronicles. His work was based on records from various Indian communities in the Valley of Mexico. When the Mexica-Aztecs arrived in the northern end of the valley sometime in the late 13th century, they encountered settled populations boasting prestigious lineages. Although some intermarriage took place, notably between a Mexica-Aztec chieftain and a woman from an aristocratic family of Zumpango, the newcomers were regarded as primitive and uncouth. Soon the migration continued down the western side of Lake Tetzcoco, through lands long claimed and jealously governed by other old towns. Their brief stop near Chapultepec was in fact a disaster, for they were defeated by the local Tepanecs of Atzcapotzalco and were forced to ask the neighboring Lord of Culhuacan for land on which to settle. This was granted in return for Mexica-Aztec warriors to serve Culhuacan in the endemic small-scale war and raiding between the fiercely independent rival towns and small cities of the basin. All went well for a time but trouble broke out between the settlers and their hosts when the Mexica-Aztecs sacrificed the daughter of the Culhuacan chief as an offering to the earth and fertility. In a running battle the barbarous outsiders were driven into the marshlands by the western shore. Taking shelter in this essentially unclaimed area of reedbeds, the refugees began the permanent settlement that was named Tenochtitlan. But the people were industrious and accustomed to a hard life of survival. They established a marketplace and traded products gleaned from the lake, while their chieftains paid service to their old enemies in the nearby Tepanec town of Atzcapotzalco, contributing levies of warriors as tribute. Approximately one hundred years after the founding, this hitherto disdained and marginal people were building a formidable city and formed alliances to decisively shift the balance of power. The allied cities Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan defeated the Atzcapotzalco and divided up the old Tepanec empire. In 1428 the new Mexica-Aztec ruler Itzcóatl and his allies began a series of conquests that were to lead in successive reigns to the control of a vast system of tribute from many lands of Mesoamerica.

The Aztecs Rewrite Their History

As this project got underway, Itzcóatl and his main counselors saw the need to reconsider the past and define a new “national” historical identity. A council assembled in Tenochtitlan to review the old migration accounts. The council concluded that the obscure origins, the humiliations endured by the migrating tribe, and their well known lack of a prestigious ancestry were unacceptable for their new imperial status. It was determined that the common people need not know of the original circumstances in any detail or of the actual events surrounding the founding of Tenochtitlan. The old records were burned and a new official history began to be written. At this time Huitzilopochtli was promoted as the official god of the Mexica-Aztecs. With this information, modern scholars have independently analyzed the existing migration texts and the legend of Huitzilopochtli, noting especially the mythological episodes and the curiously composite character of many events. Their findings show that the Mexica-Aztec migration story not only has episodes closely reflecting the old migration stories of the Tolteca-Chichimeca. Indeed, the whole sequence of events beginning in Aztlán conforms to a widespread pattern of origin and migration stories found far south among the (Mexicanized) Quiché Maya of Guatemala, among the Tolteca-Chichimeca of the Valley of Puebla in central Mexico, as well as the Tarascans of Michoacán, and even as far north as San Juan Pueblo on the Rio Grande of New Mexico. The sequence begins in a faraway land or a lake to the north at the onset of a new era. Often, a people emerge from the earth or the waters. Departure from the homeland may be directed by a god or goddess as a result of a dissention or war. The departing group is frequently joined by others, and a supernatural leader or messenger points out the route of migration. There can be no doubt that the “official” account of the Mexica-Aztec migration reflected well established models. While the legend of Huitzilopochtli’s supernatural “fatherless” birth and the merciless slaying of enemies is not readily apparent in the annals of other peoples, it may be seen as a Mexica-Aztec creation aimed at bypassing their lack of a “legitimate” aristocratic lineage ancestry. Huitzilopochtli shows no development of character such as exhibited in the history of other Mesoamerican founder-fathers: he is more of an "action" hero, with powers conferred by miraculous birth, physical invincibility and a spirit of utter ruthlessness; some aspects of his imperial cult in Tenochtitlan also grant him solar associations. His story is not one of a succession of deeds and moral growth. Rather, stress is placed on maximum ferocity and energy required to kill enemies. Pronouncements attributed to Huitzilopochtli are promises of booty and luxury without end. But the fact of this mythology being invented for purposes of state does not render it invalid, for the Mexica-Aztecs created a new point of reference for the development of a rising military aristocracy and a social dynamic of violent conquest. The migration legend and Huitzilopochtli’s symbolism gave them inspiration for their warrior culture of fierce valor, pride and destruction.

What, now, of the question of origins? Where did the Mexica-Aztecs come from? We have seen that beyond the early 14th century when the tribe first entered the Valley of Mexico, the migration texts provide little to follow with certainty. Scholars who have attempted to trace Aztlán to the lakes of northwest central Mexico –to Chapala or nearby seasonal lakes in upland Jalisco; to lakes Pátzcuaro or Cuitzeo in Michoacán; to the lagoon Mexcaltitlán on the pacific coast of Nayarit, where an island-town preserves its ancient four-quarter layout; or even to the Lagoon Tamiahua on the gulf coast of north Veracruz, have only ended in speculation. For Aztlán was really primarily a place of the imagination. The Aztecs themselves knew this. During the reign of Motecuhzoma I (1440–1469), a party consisting of priests and shamanic mediums were commanded to “visit” their ancient homeland. The group traveled northward past the Toltec ruins of Tula to a to a place reputed to be the birthplace of Huitzilopochtli. Fray Diego Durán records the legend of how the royal delegation was met by a supernatural being who magically transformed everyone into birds and other winged beasts. All took flight to arrive in Aztlán where they resumed human form and were greeted by kinsmen paddling canoes. Then the royal messengers were taken to an aged man said to be related to Huitzilopochtli. After questions and answers this guide took them on another magical journey full of dangerous trials. Revealing his powers, the guide scolded the Mexica-Aztecs for their luxurious life in Tenochtitlan. Presently they were ushered into the presence of Huitzilopochtli’s ancient mother Coatlicue, to whom they offered presents and told of the successful rise of their imperial state. But she replied with a sobering prophecy, that Tenochtitlan would be conquered some day. The visitors then returned to present their report to Motecuhzoma. Aztlán was conceived by the Aztecs themselves as a mythic place rather than a concrete geographical location.

Aztlán In the Process of Cultural Renewal

Yet the fact remains that there was a pattern of intermittent connections dating from at least the first millennium BC, between the urban peoples of the central highland basins and tribes of the arid north. Although many origin-stories conform to a type, they do convey the unmistakable sense of deep-seated cycles of migration throughout ancient Mexican history. A people such as the Aztecs are not likely to entirely forget their beginnings, however assimilated they became to an urban way of life developed by the old state-like societies of southern and central Mesoamerica. The culture of a people will usually retain, sometimes subtly in terms of a prevailing tone or thought or habit of movement, or even in ways that may be too deep for naming, impressions or memories conditioned by an earlier existence, by the pulse of another seasonal rhythm, or tensions and emotions experienced in other landscapes. Attitudes formed in the stark simplicity of a desert economy, demanding a ready adaptability, a quickened flexibility to changing conditions and the necessity to seize and exploit new opportunities, were undoubtedly collective traits automatically availed to individual leaders seeking to assimilate and shape a more complex society and culture for the Aztecs among the old urban peoples in the Valley of Mexico. If Mesoamerican civilization's earliest and deepest roots lie in the south, surely many of its later branchings and flowerings were also attributable to cultural graftings from incoming groups who had the capacity to interrupt older indigenous patterns with determining force. From such dynamic, creative encounters there arose new cultural syntheses.

The quest for Aztlán might thus be redefined as an inquiry into a kind of culture, once found among many indigenous societies in that region of mountains, basins, and ranges stretching between the southwestern deserts of the United States and the central highland of Mexico, and asking how the contributions of such peoples helped to shape ancient-and modern-Mexican history. The analogy of Aztlán now also reaches far northward, as a concept embracing a range of values brought by modern immigrants engaging in the vital new process of assimilation, cultural reformulation and renewal among the many communities of peoples in the United States.

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