Wednesday, September 22, 2010

Mr. Latino-Daily Online Guide For Today's Latino VIA Dr. David Sanchez

http://bit.ly/atD45g


VIDA:
By Al Carlos Hernandez on August 17, 2010      -      Photo Credit: Aztlan Libre Press
 
Ironically the Brown Berets, the radical Chicano community organization, began in the office of the mayor of Los Angeles. The Mayor's Advisory Youth Council had just selected 16 year old David John Sanchez as its chairman for 1966. Los Angeles' Mayor Sam Yorty welcomed and congratulated the young man personally and gave him a gavel. One of his projects was "The Young Citizens for Community Action."

Acting as advisers on behalf of the Mexican American community was David Sanchez, Carlos Montes, and Ralph Ramirez. The group originally hoped to ease the strained relationships existing between the community and the police department. The group began reading about community issues and began setting up community projects, including going to Delano and raising food for the farm workers.


They opened up a coffeehouse. The intention of the coffeehouse was to attract teenagers and give them something to do other than to hang out on the streets. The coffeehouse was called, "La Piranha," which also served as an office and meeting hall.


The Sheriff's Department decided that the coffeehouse was a bad place because the kids drew a picket line in front of the Sheriff' station protesting a case of police brutality.


David Sanchez said, "I was jumped by the fuzz. They had me at the jail for some minor kid thing and I didn't want to sign. One cop got me in a judo hold and another came up behind me from the back and knocked me flat. When I woke up they were booking me. I began to change my mind about things and began to see that something was wrong with America. Things were no longer Stars and Stripes."


Experiences like these incited the group and they become openly militant. In the fall of 1967, they officially changed the name of their group to the Brown Berets.


The goal of the Brown Berets in the beginning, according to Sanchez was, "To unite our people under the flag of independence. By independence we mean the right to self-determination, self-government, and freedom – our land was stolen from our forefathers."


The Beret program included demands for the return of all the stolen land and called for an end to the police occupation of Raza communities, an end to the robbery of Chicano communities by businessmen, and an end to the drafting of Chicanos. Then the demand went out for Chicano control of Chicano education, and for housing fit for human beings. They also said, "The border lands should be open to La Raza whether they were born north or south of the fence."


The Brown Berets included both men and women who set up centers where citizens could bring their complaints of police brutality. They published a newspaper called La Causa and the newspaper carried reports of police brutality. The Berets often provided a sense of security to individuals and families and were often called on to provide security at public demonstrations by Latino groups they labeled as La Raza.


The Berets started people's clinics, youth centers, anti-drug programs, and many other projects. Beret chapters spread throughout the Southwest and Midwest. In Los Angeles, sheriff's deputies harassed the Brown Berets and infiltrated the organization, causing disorganization and forcing them to shut down their coffee shop in the beginning of March 1968.


Late in May, 1969 the Los Angeles Police Department's Special Operations Conspiracy Squad raided the main headquarters of the Brown Berets in Los Angeles. Police claimed that the raid was made because the PD had cause to arrest two people on a charge of conspiracy to commit burglary. David Sanchez, on the other hand, felt the raid occurred because, "The police were irritated by recent intelligence activities by the Berets. Brown Berets members have re­portedly uncovered two undercover agents from the police de­partment in their membership." Two Beret members were arrested and incarcerated.


Undaunted, Brown Berets continued to operate their East Los Angeles Free Clinic. With financial help from the Ford Foundation and the volunteer help of professionals, the clinic offered free medical, social, and psychological services to Mexican Americans.


Through the clinic, similar services were also provided by the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund, also financed by the Ford Foundation. But such efforts were to be overshadowed by the arrests and convictions of those Brown Berets who allegedly created fires and disturbances in the Biltmore Hotel on April 24, 1969.


Soon, the medical and legal services of the East Los Angeles Free Clinic would cease. But the violence in the streets in the form of demonstrations and social protests would continue and a contingent of the Brown Berets would continue to part­icipate in a show of "Brown Power" and militancy.


The organization's inability to clearly define their role in society resulted in their failure to develop specific plans to achieve their demands. Their tendency to react to crises rather than to remain in control of a situation caused the group to become disorganized. Despite these weaknesses the Brown Berets have become a symbol of the Hispanic resistance to tyranny and their fight for liberation.


David Sanchez was the Brown Berets founding leader and Prime Minister.
 
 
Herald de Paris Deputy Managing Editor, Dr. Al Carlos Hernandez, a former Brown Beret himself while in college, had an opportunity to talk to the enigmatic Dr. David Sanchez about the Brown Beret experience:

AC: Society viewed the Brown Berets as a militant organization on the same level as the Black Panther Party. What was your original vision for the Brown Berets?


DS: The Brown Berets was a psychological ploy to bring attention to the Mexican American and Chicano community. Our vision was often misinterpreted by scholars and writers. What we did was non-violent community activism drawing attention to our struggle for the survival for our cultural communities and for future generations. We wanted to give La Raza a chance to attain a higher education. Of course, we are always up against reactionaries who called us militants and barrio mentality which was conservative, and quite provincial at the time.


AC: So your intention was social change without violence, using implied power?


DS: The locos (crazy street guys) in the barrio thought that we should use violence. Still, we taught that learning to use non-violence would keep us safe from spending all of our time going to court and jail. We had to deal with extremists from the right and left; polarization was always a concern.


At first, many of us went to jail for walkouts, demonstrations, and fighting with the police. Personally, I went to jail twelve times on false charges. Despite that, we learned that non-violence would help us to last. Eventually we learned that going on the road organizing in various communities helped us to avoid police traps.


AC: Extremists? Weren't you considered an extremist yourself during that time?


DS: There were people affiliated with the organization that would ask us to use violence. Then we questioned why they wanted to embark on extreme measures. We eventually learned that some extremist were actually police informants.


AC: When in life did social activism become something you became passionate about?


DS: When I was in the fifth grade at thee 79th Street School in South Central L.A., my teacher, who was an African American Mr. Roger Moore, taught me that this land once belonged to Mexico.


At 12 years old, I was drafted into a gang in which I ended up making peace with surrounding gangs. Then, an Episcopal priest hired me at 16 years old to be a summer youth counselor. The priest was Father John B. Luce. He gave me books to read. From there, I was able to hook up with other youth organization. I then became the first president for Mayor Sam Yortie's Youth Advisory Council.


Then, whites from the Young Republicans came to demonstrate and to throw me out of L.A. City Hall. They could not. During this time, I was a regular rebel in high school with a "B"average and organized a campus protest against the police explorers. The only Anglos that we saw were the white LAPD police who constantly pulled over any Chicano on any street. My parents also explained to me that Anglos were very unfair to our people.


Our family business was constantly harassed by the LAPD. I moved to change our group's name from Young Citizens for Community Action to Young Chicanos for Community Action. And then to the Brown Berets.


I knew that there would be a long struggle and was willing to drop everything just to get the movement on the correct path. The Brown Berets were not out to shoot police. Rather, our tactic was to create mass events.


AC: Some people think that the Brown Berets were a prelude to some of the gangs in the community today. Do you believe that's true?


DS: The Berets were not a gang, Gangs and north/south conflicts came out of the prisons with barrio gang mentality to put gas on the fire. The migrants at this time are better organized and get most of the attention. Yet, if La Raza gets it together for a progress movement, we will have a new civil rights movement and not the Blacks.
 
 
AC: Why, then, are the immigrant struggles getting more traction while Chicano causes lay on the back burner?
DS: Barrio mentality and lack of respect for each other is holding us back.

AC:What about the groups who are now calling themselves Brown Berets, they even have websites?


DS: There will always be Brown Berets popping up because people want change. However, some of these groups have developed bad attitudes and have not done their homework on the past, Nor do not they respect past leaders. Nonetheless, I have respect for a few new Brown Berets in Los Angeles who know how to tackle issues. Just wearing a Brown Beret does not make them a respectful Brown Beret. The original Brown Beret Manual says, "Have respect for everyone". Many of the new Brown Berets want to be independent. In the old days, Brown Berets were under one command which was coming from my office as Prime Minister.


AC: What about your personal life? Have you always been arcane and enigmatic?


DS: I play guitar and write. I really could not afford a family with teaching just part time at colleges since 1978.


I wrote a book on the "Brown Beret Movement" as part of my dissertation and did much work in Human Communication. In 1978, I received a Ph.D. from The Union Institute and University. I love teaching.


Mostly I taught Chicano Studies for 11 years and taught Speech 101. I wrote, Expedition through Aztlan.


As a Brown Beret, I traveled in a real expedition to eighty barrios throughout the U.S. I knew that the area had to be mapped out culturally, politically, and socially. It was probably the only book that was written during the Chicano Movement from an inside perspective. I also knew that it was important to document the movement and history before all may get wiped out. I learned about expeditions while attending Cal State Los Angeles in the late sixties.


The other book I wrote was, Social Communication for everyone. In this book I felt that our People needed to improve their communication skills. The book covers areas from social to advanced human communication.


AC: Tell us about your recent run at local politics?


DS: Recently, I ran for Congress. It's a way to get out the issues. Last June, I ran against Congresswoman Lucille Roybal Allard and was opposed to her strong support of the war. I received 5,500 votes. She got 12,000 votes with 18 years in office. This after getting the job passed on to her from her father, Congressman Ed Roybal.


It was hard to run with no money. Yes, I want to run again. Actually, I should have been a congressman but gave most of my years to community issues.


AC: What are some of the projects you are working on now?


Presently, I am trying to find grant funds for the Mexican American University. I put together a board and corporation to develop The Mexican American University. It's a lot of work.


AC: How would you like American history to remember you?


DS: I think I will be remembered as the leader during the Chicano Rebellion in East Los Angeles. And founder of the Brown Berets, and founder of the Chicano Moratorium Committee.


And last, founder of the Mexican American University. Last said: to care about our people…it's in my blood.
 
Edited By, Susan Aceves
http://www.heralddeparis.com/
 
 
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c/s

From: David Sanchez <DAVIDSANCHEZPHD@webtv.net>
To: rosenbergfrances@gmail.com; gcastillo@egpnews.com; john.mireles@azpsa.org; joseaguilarcd14@hotmail.com; operationyes@yahoo.com; wicho04@verizon.net; sanchezlynda@yahoo.com; mandmcastro@earthlink.net; mannyaldana@hotmail.com; marco.lunaman@gmail.com; mday700@yahoo.com; MrDavidszname@aol.com; peter.lopez51@yahoo.com; Plasalazar@aol.com; chantlaca@tonatierra.org; wicho04@verizon.net
Sent: Wed, September 22, 2010 12:00:51 PM
Subject: Mr. Latino - Daily Online Guide For Today's Latino

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Senate to look at Dream Act for illegal immigrants via Wash Post

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http://bit.ly/c4Yfn4

Senate to look at Dream Act for illegal immigrants

By Shankar Vedantam
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, September 21, 2010; A2

The Senate will consider Tuesday whether hundreds of thousands of immigrants who were brought to the United States illegally as children should be placed on a path to citizenship.

The controversial measure is being pushed by Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.), who bypassed usual Senate procedures by including it in a defense reauthorization bill.


Opponents consider the Dream Act a form of amnesty and have accused Reid and other Democrats of using it to appeal to Hispanic voters, an important constituency, as the midterm elections approach. Supporters, who include retired Gen. Colin L. Powell and other military officials, have argued that the measure is long overdue, humane and practical.


The Dream Act would open the door to citizenship for undocumented immigrants younger than 36 who arrived in the United States as children, have lived here for five years or more, and are contributing to the country by attending college or serving in the military.


Although about 2.1 million of the approximately 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country could be eligible for legalization under such criteria, the Migration Policy Institute has estimated that only about 825,000 people would be able to take advantage of the provision.


The prospects for the legislation to pass are considered slim, particularly given the public's embrace of tough immigration laws in Arizona and other states. Several versions of the Dream Act have been debated in Congress over the past decade, but none of the measures has succeeded.


Nevertheless, Powell argued for its passage Sunday on NBC's "Meet the Press."

"We have millions and millions of illegal immigrants in our country, undocumented individuals who are working, who are doing things we need done in this country," he said. While acknowledging the need for tighter border controls to reduce illegal immigration, the former secretary of state told host David Gregory that immigrants "are all over my house doing things whenever I call for repairs, and I am sure you have seen them at your house. We have got to find a way to bring these people out of the darkness and give them some kind of status."


The maneuvering in the Senate comes as Reid is locked in a tight reelection battle against Republican Sharron Angle, a favorite of the "tea party" movement.


Polls show that Reid is in a dead heat with Angle or narrowly ahead. Hispanic voters, who constitute as much as a quarter of voters in the state, are expected to strongly back passage of the Dream Act. For the moment, both the Reid and Angle campaigns are betting the issue will help them.


In a campaign ad released last week, Angle suggested that the Senate majority leader is the "best friend" that illegal immigrants could have.


"Instead of addressing the unemployment issue, Harry Reid will spend this week in Washington D.C. trying to push a form of amnesty through the Senate," Angle said in a statement. "Sadly, the Dream Act is another attempt to incentivize illegal aliens to cross our borders to gain citizenship."


Reid spokesman Jim Manley rejected the notion that the senator had politics in mind when he added the Dream Act to the defense bill.


"The Defense Department Strategic Plan explicitly says the passage of the Dream Act is critical to shape and maintain a mission-ready all-volunteer force," he said.


Pro-immigration groups, which had hoped that the sympathetic stories of young people trapped by their parents' decision to come to the United States might be the driver of an immigration overhaul, have rallied behind the measure, even as their hopes for comprehensive reform have crumbled.


"The Dream Act's motivation may be political, but it is also the right thing to do," said the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference, a group of evangelical Latinos.


A 16-year-old student at Global Community High School in Las Vegas said she is eagerly awaiting the Senate vote.


"If the Dream Act passes, it is like a door that opens for me and I would say, 'Yeah, I am going to go to college,'â" said the student, who came to the United States illegally with her parents from Mexico. "If the Dream Act comes true, it would be like a real dream."


Related Link:Colin Powell: GOP 'can't be anti-immigration.'

The decorated son of immigrants speaks out about the need for more immigration.

http://bit.ly/c3zZn3

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"An invasion of armies can be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come."
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c/s

Friday, September 17, 2010

Ron! Re: [NetworkAztlan_News] VIDEOS: Justice for Manuel Jamines! SCIC Press Conference!

Checked out Video and Posted it on Twitter.
Now have over 800 Followers/Co-Creators
Yes, we need to utilize all forms of social media! Expand our imagination!

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"An invasion of armies can be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come."
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c/s




From: Ron <mexicanoatucla@aol.com>
Sent: Thu, September 16, 2010 8:19:57 PM
Subject: [NetworkAztlan_News] VIDEOS: Justice for Manuel Jamines! SCIC Press Conference!

 

We would like to share this video footage of the Southern CA Immigration Coalition press conference to demand that LA County District Attorney Steve Cooley file criminal charges against LAPD Killer Cop Frank Hernandez for murdering Manuel Jamines!

Channel 7 News
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MHC1Z_VA8Ew&feature=player_embedded

Channel 62 News (Spanish)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PcC0JmCLYVQ&feature=player_embedded

We hope to see all of you at the march this Saturday at 10AM! We are starting at 6th and Union and we'll march to the Rampart Station and then to MacArthur Park! Join us to denounce these killer cops and to pressure the DA to file criminal charges against Hernandez!

Ron Gochez
Union del Barrio
Southern CA Immigration Coalition

See you at the march this
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Zapatista Supporters Attacked in Retaliation for Building an Autonomous School

http://bit.ly/d8EIrR


Zapatista Supporters Attacked in Retaliation for Building an Autonomous School




 

Written by Jessica Davies   

Tuesday, 14 September 2010 15:13

Members of the Mexican political parties PRI, PRD and PVEM (the green party) attacked 170 Zapatista supporters and expelled them from their homes in the Tzeltal community of San Marcos Avilés, in the municipality of Chilón, Chiapas, in retaliation for the construction of an autonomous school in the early morning hours of Sept. 9.

The Zapatista Good Government Junta (JBG) based in Oventik, denounced the attack, which was led by Lorenzo Ruiz Gómez and Vicente Ruiz López, and said the attackers were armed with guns, machetes and sticks, and broke into two houses where they tried to sexually assault two women. So as not to respond with violence to these acts of severe provocation, the Zapatista men, women, children and old people left their homes and belongings and fled to the mountain "where they suffer hunger, cold, sleeplessness and fear."

Zapatistas from Pamalá, in the municipality of Sitalá, had previously informed the JBG that, at the end of August, a compa from their community, Manuel Vázquez, had been forcibly ordered by the authorities and leaders of the political parties in San Marcos and Pamalá to dismantle the autonomous school. The authorities told him that they were then going to attack other communities which had autonomous schools. The JBG stated that "the purpose of these attacks is to prevent the education of our children and to stop the progress of construction of our autonomy."

Manuel Vázquez was thrown into prison on the 21st August, where he was threatened, harassed and intimidated in an attempt to force him to abandon the project of autonomous education. When Pedro Cruz Gómez came from another nearby community to try to help Manuel Vázquez, he was also imprisoned. A knife was planted in his trousers in an attempt to accuse him of intention to murder. When the prisoners were freed, they were told to abandon the Zapatista organisation and to leave the lands they had bought ten years ago. Threats were made to cancel the land rights of fifteen families.

On the August 24 and 25 the aggressors seized 29 hectares of land with 5,850 coffee trees, 10 hectares of maize, along with beans, cattle, horses and three houses, and destroyed a banana plantation. On the 8th September, they took cattle, pulled down fences and fired shots into the air. They threatened to "take the land next, and to evict the men, kidnap the women and children, and burn the houses".

"The three levels of the bad government don't know how to stop the Zapatista struggle for national liberation, so they are trying to stop our autonomous education," stated the JBG. "However, we are going to continue with autonomous education throughout Zapatista territory; our sons and daughters will no longer attend the official schools where they will never be taught the truth about how we live as indigenous people, and how all the poor of Mexico live. We demand that our evicted companer@s be allowed to return home and be treated with respect."

The Network for Solidarity and Against Repression immediately issued a statement "This act of barbarity, designed to destroy the autonomous school, has led to the displacement of 170 people from the lands they have worked for ten years....If it were not for our Zapatista compas, there would be no schools in these indigenous communities.....Lies, deceit and repression are the way the state government constantly behaves....Zapatista education in the autonomous communities is an example of how another Mexico is possible, where with honest hard work a level of community development can be achieved which those from above neither understand nor accept. To fight power and its money with learning and knowledge is the best way to build the foundations of a new Mexico."

On Monday 13th September, Other Campaign adherents set up roadblocks in Chiapas as a protest against "the threats, robberies, evictions and attacks being made against Zapatista communities by the government, ..... paramilitaries, political parties, local leaders and businessmen."

A march took place in Tonalá, in the coastal zone, to demand that the Zapatista supporters from San Marcos Avilés be allowed to return to their lands, and to insist that "their way of life and process of autonomy, with their schools and clinics, must be respected." They also demanded "the expulsion of paramilitary groups from Chiapas and the punishment of the material and intellectual authors of the attacks on the communities."

Another roadblock was set up near Mitziton, where, along with the departure of the paramilitaries, the participants also called for "the cancellation of all the projects, such as the highway from San Cristóbal to Palenque, and the ecotourism park in Bachajón, which cause conflict in the indigenous communities, and threaten the environment and the traditional ways of living of the communities." 

 

Autonomous Education in the Zapatista Communities: Schools to Cure Ignorance

"Antonio dreams that the land he works belongs to him. He dreams that his sweat earns him justice and truth; he dreams of schools to cure ignorance and medicines to frighten death. He dreams that his house has light and that his table is full; he dreams that the land is free and that his people reasonably govern themselves. He dreams that he is at peace with himself and with the world. He dreams that he has to struggle to have this dream..." – from 'Chiapas: The Southeast in Two Winds - A Storm and a Prophecy'

In July 2010, a European Solidarity Brigade visited the Zapatista communities and Caracoles of Chiapas and reported on the current situation there.2 One aspect of their reports was autonomous education, which for the Zapatistas is an important part of their "construction of autonomy and resistance to capitalism." The school is only a part of the education process, along with "sharing and working in the community throughout life." It is based on "the ancient and fundamental principle of caring for the earth and its natural resources. Food sovereignty depends on the principles of agro-ecology, the rejection of chemicals and the conservation of native seeds. Everything we take from the earth, we must return".3

A letter written by the Zapatistas in 1994 to some schoolchildren in Guadalajara describes the life of an indigenous child in Chiapas: "For our children there are no schools or medicines, no clothes or food, not even a dignified roof under which we can store our poverty ... For our boys and girls there is only work, ignorance and death ... Our children have to begin work at a very young age ... our children's toys are the hoe, the machete, and the axe; when they are barely able to walk, playing and suffering, they go out looking for firewood, clearing brush and planting ...They cannot go to school to learn Spanish because work kills the days and sickness kills the nights. This is how our children have lived and died for 501 years."

Indigenous peoples suffer from a lack of proper education, in particular education based on their own languages, traditions, customs, history and beliefs. "In the bad government schools they do not teach the language and culture of the peoples. The bad government sends teachers to government schools for two or three days and then the teachers leave without worrying about the children left without classes. They also make them wear uniforms."

"The bad government didn't give us our schools, we built them ourselves."

So the autonomous communities set up their own schools, where "children learn their own language and become aware of their own culture." They can wear traditional dress. They are taught in their own language and learn their own history, rather than the version of their conquerors. They learn "not to pollute the environment and to care for the forests, because without that there is no life. The stories of the older people play a vital role in education." People can go to school at any age, and children from non-Zapatista communities can also attend.

Teachers are known as "education promoters" because all work together and teach each other, based on the belief that everyone has something to contribute to the understanding and teaching of every subject -- so the promoters are learning alongside the students. Promoters receive no salary. They are chosen, housed and fed by the community, and the position is an honour. It is seen as a "cargo", based on the ancient Mayan idea whereby individuals are chosen to provide unpaid service for the good of the community. The cargo of 'promoter' is especially demanding; the communities are very poor, and the work to raise consciousness in the communities is very hard. Experienced promoters go on to teach new promoters and so the system grows. "Being in resistance we have severe shortages of school supplies, but that does not prevent us from organizing our educational system."

The Brigade visited all five regional areas, or Caracoles, and found each area had its regional differences, while being based on the same principles.

Caracol I, La Realidad

The promoters explained to the Brigade that here they have four levels of education, each level lasting as long as the individual needs. The pre-school level is called 'Wake up', and starts at the age of 4-5, with songs, games and group activities. The second level is called 'New Dawn', the third 'New Creation', and the fourth 'Path towards the Future.'

From the second level, students learn reading, writing, maths, life and environment, languages and history. Classes are held three days a week from 7am until 1 pm, with a break for breakfast. Classes are organised according to people's needs, so sometimes there is a holiday during the coffee harvest. All classes are open to children from non-Zapatista families.

Education promoters receive two levels of training over six years, in the fifth year they learn how to teach reading and writing to adults. "The promoters do not work for money, but through their sense of esponsibility."

"We have spent a long time discussing and analysing the subject of education. Education is essential for the construction of autonomy, to prepare for the struggle. "It is easy to deceive someone who cannot read," so classes are compulsory for children and adults, all learning together.

Caracol II, Oventik

Oventik has two levels of education: primary, lasting around six years, and secondary, which takes another three. The secondary school opened in 2000. After completing secondary school, a student is ready to take on the role of promoter, and this is why since 2003 they have had a primary school in every municipality.

The promoters emphasised to their visitors the need to provide a model of education which will meet the needs of the people in the communities. The government schools force children to speak Spanish even though they have no knowledge of the language. The result is a failure of education in indigenous communities and impoverishment of the native languages.

In the autonomous schools, the children speak their mother tongue (mainly Tzotzil in this area), but the students also learn Spanish in order to speak with people from other communities who speak other languages. They believe that the autonomous schools must take on the role of preserving the indigenous languages in their spoken and written forms.

The promoters emphasised to the Brigade the prime importance of developing political, economic and cultural awareness through the development of analytical, critical and creative skills. Studying their own history is extremely important: knowledge of their origins, their traditional culture, ways of living and beliefs, and the history of colonisation and resistance, the history that is hidden in the official schools. The autonomous schools also teach social and natural sciences, rooted in the reality of the community, learning to work the land, and to cook the food they have grown.

In Oventik, schools are open five days a week. Breaks in the school year are known as 'change of activities', when the children are needed to help with work at home or in the community. Primary education is compulsory for young children and adolescents, but at present secondary education exists only within the Caracol itself. Each secondary student goes home every fifteen days and brings back enough food to cover the following two weeks. Classes last from 8am to 3pm, and in the evening students do sports, art and craft activities or read. In the future, the compas hope to extend secondary education to all, and to develop a third level of learning. They would also like to offer adult literacy classes to everyone.

Caracol III, La Garrucha

The members of the Education Commission from La Garrucha explained to the Brigade members that their education arose from the needs and demands of the rebel communities, providing an alternative model of education in resistance. This means that education, as part of daily life in the communities, is anchored in the daily struggle. Within all the four municipalities, the main aim is one of sharing, of learning together, of learning from everyone.

Education in this zone has since 2008 been called 'Little Seeds of the Sun', and is being organised on three levels, although only two are functioning in all the schools in the communities. At the first level, children learn to read, write and draw. The second level covers the Zapatista demands, and in the third level texts, reports, communiqués, denuncias, government strategies, 'why we fight', and the construction of autonomy are all studied.

All levels cover four main areas: history, languages, life and environment, and mathematics. History shows how the ancestors cared for the earth and the natural world, and how this tradition must be continued, preserving indigenous culture. They study past and current history, different ways of working, how to save native seeds, and the need to work together to build and strengthen the community and the resistance. Life and environment covers the care and conservation of the land and nature, natural resources, pollution, and sustainable land management. In mathematics the children learn from attacks and exploitation of indigenous peoples.

The study of languages starts with the mother tongue; in this zone four indigenous languages are spoken – tzeltal (the most numerous), tzotzil, chol and tojolabal. Texts are studied in all these languages as well as in Spanish; studies include law, autonomy, defence of natural resources, writing reports and translations.

Schools are open Monday to Thursday from 8.30 am to 2pm, with a break from 11 until 12. There are no exams or grades, and children or adults can join at any age. It is forbidden to hit, punish, or disrespect the children. "Education is a right and a duty". If parents fail to send their children to school they must explain why to the authorities. "Children go to school in order to serve the community, not to go away and work for the capitalists". They hope to implement the third level (secondary) education throughout the zone as soon as possible, at the request of the communities.

There are two levels of training for promoters and two training centres – one in the Caracol of La Garrucha, and the other 'Companero Manuel' Centre in La Culebra, autonomous municipality Ricardo Flores Magon. After completing the two levels, promoters can train new promoters. Four one-month periods of training are run each year at each centre, and promoters need to study for two years. They work together collectively, sharing their knowledge ready to take it to the community. All are equal, and all learn the same things. "We believe that we do everything for everyone. We have to do it together."

Caracol IV Morelia

"Education," the promoters told the Brigade, "is compulsory until old age," as it is essential for the construction of autonomy. Education begins at the age of three or four and is also available to adults. There are three compulsory levels of primary education, and three more of secondary. Each level takes as long as the student needs. Each child must complete at least two levels of primary education. After completing secondary school, students can become education promoters.

The schools operate through the community assembly, which is where the people choose their own education promoters who receive special training workshops. The community works together to provide for the needs of their promoters, such as beans and maize. Some communities also work the fields of the promoter.

Classes are held from Monday to Thursday. Each region has its own secondary school, with dormitories for the students who often have to travel a long distance to the schools. Every two weeks, the students return to their communities for a two-week period. Classes are in the student's own language, but at a later level they can also study Spanish. The areas covered are reading and writing, maths, natural history, geography, political studies, traditional history and culture, art and music. In the secondary schools there are gardens for growing vegetables and plants. This system of education began in 1999.

Caracol V, Roberto Barrios

"The teaching is not good in the bad government schools, and some areas don't have schools at all. This is why, in 1999, each community chose its own education promoters... The promoter comes from the community, and it is the people of the community who decide what is taught." Now every community has promoters to co-ordinate the work, and every six months they all meet together to share ideas and discuss how things are going.

There are two levels of education. The first is called 'Little Seeds of the Sun', and the second is CCETAZ (the Zapatista Cultural Centre for Autonomous Education and Technology). School starts at the age of four or five, with pupils studying three levels. After six years of primary education they can progress, if they wish, to the second level. There are no comparisons, no tests, no final scores and no failures. Education is open to all.

The CCETAZ has only been open for a year, so the levels have not been defined yet, but there are to be six terms, of which so far only two have been completed. The college is for young people up to the age of fourteen.

Teaching is in Tzeltal, Chol and Zoque, "if we lose our language, we will lose our culture, beliefs and customs. Craftspeople are being trained as their grandparents were." Young people learn to be critical of the way of life that is being imposed on them, and of the problems of the communities. They are taught maths and history, but also how to work the land, how to improve the harvest. The schools have a small field where they grow corn and beans to eat. They do not use chemicals or genetically modified crops, "because these are the tools of a system which threatens the campesino." They value working in the field so as to have good food to eat.4

Education Open to All, With No Failures: "We learn as we walk, side by side with our education."


The Brigade's reports reveal an astonishing achievement. All this from a people living in dire poverty, many of them under constant attack and harassment, never knowing when their crops and houses will be burned, and many of them unable to read or write or to speak Spanish when the rebellion erupted in 1994. They know they still have a long way to go; they would like to extend secondary education throughout, to have more materials, supplies and equipment. In many communities, there is only one promoter, so the older children teach the younger ones. There are no resources to build new schools, but one day, they dream there will be a Zapatista university.

Throughout the process of building schools the communities have been supported by national and international civil society. Groups from many countries including Spain, Italy, Japan and the USA have been involved.

The strength of the system is in the community, the collective way of living and working. Children go to school carrying maize, beans and firewood. They know that if they go to the government schools they will lose their identity, their culture, language and tradition. In the government schools they are taught as individuals, in order to lose their sense of community as the basis of life. "The government teachers don't teach what our children want to learn." "We want our children to learn about freedom, dignity, and to value all human beings, both men and women."5 This is truly education from below.

An Education for the World

The Zapatista Rebel Autonomous Secondary School (ESRAZ), at Oventik, also operates the Zapatista Rebel Autonomous Spanish and Maya Languages Centre (CELMRAZ) where students come from throughout the world to study Spanish and Tzotzil in "the context of the reality of the indigenous people in resistance." All the fees paid go towards supporting the secondary school.

In presenting the project, the statement reads: "To educate is to learn, which is to say, 'to educate by learning.' We can educate students –who educate us- so that those of us who are in favour of life can educate each other mutually and so construct those many worlds of which we all dream. We can say that we know how to educate those who educate us, that is why our school is for the entire world and is why we say 'for everyone everything, nothing for us.'

"This is the form of the autonomy of our people, of our culture, and in this way we can recreate the different languages that have never existed for those who dominate, while our faces have been denied for being the color of earth."6

Notes:

[1] http://www.schoolsforchiapas.org/ Early Zapatista school in Oventik, with roof markings to avoid attacks from the air.

[2] http://www.europazapatista.org/NOTICIAS-DESTACADAS-Brigada.html

[3] http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2010/07/17/index.php?section=politica&article=017n1pol Resistencia al capitalismo, escuela para la libertad zapatista: brigada europea.

[4] http://www.europazapatista.org/IMG/pdf/BRIGADA_2010_folleto_2.pdf

[5] http://www.narconews.com/Issue44/article2487.html

[6] http://www.serazln-altos.org/eng/celm.html

 





http://upsidedownworld.org/main/mexico-archives-79/2687-zapatista-supporters-attacked-in-retaliation-for-building-an-autonomous-school

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PETER S. LOPEZ AKA: Peta-de-Aztlan
Sacramento, California
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