Saturday, February 23, 2013

Read: Research, Articles, and Projects - Chicano Identity + Comment

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2/23/2013 ~ Gracias Hermano David ~

In the complexity of connected reality, I am first and foremost a humane being, not limited by any one ethnic identity. We humam beings are one race of people, one species. Beyond being a humane being I also identify myself as a Chicano de Aztlán, not a Mexican nor an American. Thus, the concept of a Chicano being like the hyphen in Mexican-American.

In a way, Chicanos are a scattered tribe, not a separate nation existing only in the subjective mind. We should aim for unity as oppressed peoples, as members of the human family of humanity, not a separated categories to define ourselves.

My bloodline is Chiricahua Apache and Sonoran Yaquí, my parents thought of themselves as Mexicans and with the rise of the Chicano Movement I latched onto the self-concept of being a Chicano. As people of La Raza Cosmica we are still trying to settle on a collective identity and at this rage this could go on forever.

Meanwhile, Over 25,000+ children die of hunger related causes every day. Many of La Raza identify themselves by their country of origin, without a strictly racial self-identity. as many our Black brothers and sisters do. The point is we need to seek solidarity as one Family of Humanity, get involved in the matrix of social liberation movements sweeping the world and quit making a false science out of the whole identity issue. Let us come together and unite, quit arguing over labels, settle our differences and educate to liberate the masses.

LINK:
On Being A Chicano de Aztlán ~by @Peta_de_Aztlan
~ http://wp.me/prH9G-a3 ~


Venceremos! We Will Win! Educate to Liberate!
Peter S. Lopez AKA @Peta_de_Aztlan
Sacramento, California

c/s


From: David Sanchez <davidsanchezphd@webtv.net>
To: NetworkAztlan_News@yahoogroups.com; DAVIDSANCHEZPHD@webtv.net
Sent: Friday, February 22, 2013 10:25 PM
Subject: [NetworkAztlan_News] Research, Articles, and Projects - Chicano Identity


 
Moderator [Moderator]
on 2010-13-05 14:30
[     ]
     
In regards to Mexican American Studies, Dr. Rona Fields of Georgetown University stated, "The worse thing and even like terror is to take away someone's identity". From this, it came to my realization that Chicano Studies needs more emphasis on Chicano Identity as a study in order to expand a better  academic  understanding related to the contributes to intellectual development and historical foundations.

Subsequently, the problem with the melting pot syndrome is that too much assimilation may cause the loss of culture, loss of intellectual development, a loss of happiness, and loss of Chicano theoretical history which is based on the local history and culture of the Southwest and Mexico. Because of this, the extended culture is not passed on to the Chicano community for further generations.

The Chicano culture is part Spanish, Mexican, English (U.S. culture), and Native Indian. And before the natives Indians of the Southwest were American Indians, they were Mexican Indians because the Southwest was once part of Mexico. And prior to the arrival of Columbus, Mexico consisted of Native Indian towns, cities, and civilizations.

For example, Tenochtitlan (Mexico City) was bigger than London prior to the arrival of Cortez in 1518. Further, the Azteca Federation which was based in Tenochtitlan consisted of 482 cities across the Mexican Empire. Today, Chicanos hold over 60% Native American blood dating back to Mexico. Chicano lifestyle is a way of life and cultural trend dating back to the Aztecas, Mayan, and other tribes.

Eloquenly, a few people will promote culture as a way to fight back assimilation processes. Yet, if assimilation of culture continues, many more people will become confused without understanding their own identity. Further, to expect students to gain the Chicano Experience by only history is false and incomplete.

Therefore, it is a must that more emphasis be developed on Chicano and Mexican American Identity. Further, much culture and cultural traits has been lost due to national origin discrimination. Of which many institutions will purposely erase the Mexican American culture thus developing students to turn to individualism or internationalism. This has caused many students to forget where they come from. Leading to many graduated professionals to never return back to help their communities. Dr. David Sanchez
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Thursday, February 21, 2013

Read: [New post] EZLN: Sup Moisés: GAZES, Part 6 “We Are He”

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Gracias Companero Manuel ~ Sharing with other gente here and there. We still need to learn how to use Internet Power better up here. There is not enough feedback and interaction.

Venceremos! We Will Win! Educate to Liberate!
Peter S. Lopez AKA @Peta_de_Aztlan
Sacramento, California

c/s


From: ""Compañero Manuel"" <comment-reply@wordpress.com>
To: peter.lopez51@yahoo.com
Sent: Wednesday, February 20, 2013 4:36 PM
Subject: [New post] EZLN: Sup Moisés: GAZES, Part 6 "We Are He"


WordPress.com
Chiapas Support Committee posted: "THEM AND US VI. GAZES Part 6: WE ARE HE ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY MEXICO.  February 14, 2013.  To: The Adherents of the Sixth all over the World. From: Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés. The time has come, and its moment too. There are"
Respond to this post by replying above this line

New post on Compañero Manuel

EZLN: Sup Moisés: GAZES, Part 6 "We Are He"

by Chiapas Support Committee
THEM AND US VI.
GAZES Part 6: WE ARE HE
ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY
MEXICO.
 February 14, 2013.
ezln_patch_copy.thumb To: The Adherents of the Sixth all over the World.
From: Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
The time has come, and its moment too. There are times that all human beings experience, good or bad; one is born, comes into the world, dies, and is gone. Those are times. But there is another time, in which one can decide in what direction to walk, a time when the time arrives to look at time. That is, when one can understand life, how life should be, here in this world, and that no one can be the owner of that which makes up the world. 
We were born indigenous and we are indigenous. We know that we came into the world and that we will leave this world, that is the law. We began to walk through life and we realized that we as indigenous people were not doing so well, we saw what happened to our great great great grandfathers and grandmothers, that is, in 1521, in 1810, and in 1910, that we were always used, that we gave our lives so that others could take power, that once in power they forgot about us again and went back to disrespecting, robbing, repressing, and exploiting us.
And we encountered a third time. The third time is where we are now, for a while now we've been walking, running, learning, working, falling, and getting back up. This is important because one has to record, to fill a tape that can be reproduced later with more lives from other times. Yes, we have been left a full bag of tapes, even though some of us aren't here anymore. So others continue on and the process moves forward like that, and what is yet to come is yet to come, until we get to the end and we begin that other work of construction, where another world begins to be born, where they cannot screw us over again and where we are not forgotten as original peoples, we will not allow that again. Now we have learned. We want to live well, in equality, in the city and the countryside, where the people of the city and the people of the countryside rule and the government obeys, and if it doesn't, it gets kicked out, and another is instituted.
Yes, we are indigenous, we work mother earth, we know how to use tools to harvest the fruits that she provides. We are various peoples with distinct languages. My mother tongue is Tzeltal, though I also understand Tzotzil and Chol, and I learned Spanish in the organization, with my compañeras and compañeros.  And now I am what we are, together with my compañeros I have learned what it is that we want in order to live in a new world.  
 -*-
I write this in the name of all of the Zapatistas, since the Sup's computer is broken.  I saw that he went to get it fixed, and when I asked him what happened to his computer he said the zuich [switch] is fucked up. Ah, I said. He was carrying a chisel and a 5-kilo sledgehammer. That thing is done, I said, it can't be fixed. So he told me that I should write to you so that you can start to get to know who is responsible for our door, and also so that we start getting to know you through what you write and say to us from everywhere, and what you tell us and have told us as compañeras and compañeros of the Sixth.
I know a little about typing on the computer and somebody gave me one to practice on a while back. Now it's time for me to write as well, but I'm a little worried that the same thing that happened to the Sup's computer will happen to me. I have a solution though, a swing of the axe and done, on to pen and paper. Problem solved. 
In any case, I have to tell you that the task of peering out the window, which falls to Supmarcos, isn't finished. That is, what is to come is yet to come, but it will remain pending until the Sup's computer gets fixed.
Yes, the Sup's job will be peering out the window at those who watch us, those who say they are "good" and who fight for the people and who have led the people but haven't gotten anywhere, and who say it's because the people don't understand anything and that they understand everything, but that no one will follow them. Why? That is what they don't understand, and won't understand, because they only think about above, look toward above, and try to climb up above.  
Well, that, and much more, is the Sup's work, because he's in charge of the window, he is like the frame of the window. 
It is also his job to see what's going on with the people who don't follow those who only look above, to understand why those people are the way they are, what they think, and how they think. We think that maybe those people think like we Zapatistas do, that maybe they too think that it should be law that the people rule and the government obeys.
It is also his job to be the target of the critiques, the insults, and the go-to-hells [mentadas], as he says, and the mockery from those on the outside. But he doesn't worry about those insults and lies, he just laughs, because, of course, we prepared him for that, we made him into steel. So now those insults and such don't hurt him, well, yes actually sometimes his stomach hurts from laughing so hard at the things they say. 
He tells me that they might start mocking me, or anybody else who speaks, also. But oh well, that's how it goes, it could be that they make fun of me or insult me, or mock me because I am indigenous, just as they mock him for what he is. But we only care about the people that want to fight to end injustice, so as long as they don't throw bullets or bombs at us, there's no problem. And if they do throw those things at us, it also won't be a problem, because there are already other compañeros and compañeras ready for the work that is and will always be the struggle. That is, we're ready for anything they throw at us and we're not scared. 
These years, the Sup tells me, many people were blocked the view of our window, but that one can still tell rather quickly who is like us. He wanted to count how many people like that were out there, but he lost count and just did it our way, the indigenous way, and said, there are a shitload. How much is that? I asked him. Many (masculine), many (feminine), he told me. Ah, I said. So that confirms that there will be many like us and that one day we will say along with them, "this is what we are," without it mattering who is indigenous or not. 
And that's how we organize ourselves, some do some things and others do other things. For example, now Supmarcos' job is the window, and my job is the door, and others have other jobs. 
And it is during these times that we remember an unforgettable compañero for all of us Zapatistas, SubPedro, who in the last days of December 1993, told us: learn compas, because one day it will be your turn. We are going to struggle together, workers, campesin@s, young people, children, women, men, and older people, in Mexico and around the world. It was the truth then, and it is the truth now, even without him. The truth of the truth began when we began to struggle for the people. 
Okay compas, now you know that I am in charge of the door, what we haven't discussed yet is the new way of working with the compañeros who will come to learn what it has taken my Zapatista compañeros years to build, that which we are now. 
 -*-
Because we believe and trust the people, now is the time to do something about the damages that we have seen and endured for so many years, now is the time to join together in our thinking and learning and then to work, to organize. After so much experience we are ready to do this, and that experience will guide us so as not to repeat the mistakes that have gotten this world to this point. 
If we don't follow the thinking of the people, the people don't follow us. And we only need to look at those who came before us in order not to fall into the same mistakes. To build something truly new will take word, thought, decision, and analysis, proposed by the people, studied by the people, and finally decided upon by the people. 
It is like the 10 years that we worked clandestinely, when no one knew about us. "One day they will know us," we told ourselves and that's how we kept working all those years. And then one day we decided that it was time to be known. Now that you have known us for 19 years, you can say if what we are doing is good or bad. My compañeros say that they live better now with their autonomous governments. They realize that real democracy happens with the people, and not just every 3 or 6 years [with elections]. Democracy is carried out in each village, in autonomous municipal assemblies and in the zone-wide assemblies that make up the Juntas de Buen Gobierno (Good Government Councils), when each zone that makes up a Junta de Buen Gobierno gets together in assembly. That is, democracy is carried out every day and in every entity of the autonomous governments, alongside the people, men and women. Democracy addresses every aspect of their lives, they know democracy belongs to them, because they discuss, study, propose, analyze, and make the final decision on each issue. 
They [the people] ask us, "how would this country and this world be if we organized with other indigenous brothers and sisters, and also with those brothers and sisters who aren't indigenous?" Afterwards, they give a big smile, as if to answer this question: happiness. They already know the answer, because they hold the results, the work that they are doing, in their hands. 
Yes, that's how it is, it only requires that we organize ourselves as the poor of the city and the countryside without anyone leading us but ourselves and those that we name, and without those who only want to get into a position of power and once in power forget about us. And again and again, another just like them comes and says now this time it's for real, this time it will be different, and then, the same tricks. They are not going to honor their word, we know that, it's really not even worth writing about this, but that's how it is in this country. It is desperate, exhausting, horrible. 
We, the poor, know what the best way of life is for us, we know what we want, but they will not leave us be, because they know that we will get rid of exploitation and the exploiters and that we will build a new life without exploitation. This isn't hard for us to understand, because we know how things need to change, because everything we have lived needs to change. The injustices, pains, sorrows, mistreatments, inequalities, manipulations, bad laws, persecutions, tortures, prisons, and many other bad things that we have endured, we know very well that we will not repeat the ways that have subjected us to these things. As we Zapatistas say, if we make mistakes, then we had better be up to the task of correcting them ourselves, instead of how it is now, where some people make all the mistakes and everyone else pays for it. That is, those who make the mistakes now are the representatives, senators, and bad governments of the world, and it is the people who pay the price.
One doesn't have to have a lot of education, or speak good Spanish, or know how to read much. We're not saying those things aren't useful, but that we can learn enough to do our work, enough to help us organize our work. These things are like tools for the work of communicating. What we are saying is that we know how to make change, we don't need someone to come with their campaign telling us that he or she is the change, as if we, the exploited, don't know what change we want. Do you understand what I'm saying, indigenous brothers and sisters and people of Mexico, indigenous brother and sisters of the world, non-indigenous brothers and sisters of the world?
So, indigenous and non-indigenous brothers and sisters who are poor, join the struggle, organize yourselves, lead yourselves, do not let yourselves be led, or keep careful watch over those you choose to lead you, make sure they do the things that you have decided and you will see that things begin taking shape like they have for us the Zapatistas.
Don't stop fighting, as the exploiters will not stop exploiting us, fight until the end, the end that is, of exploitation. No one will do this for us, no one other than ourselves. We have to take the reigns, take the wheel and take our destiny where we want it to go. In that destiny, the people are the source of democracy, the people correct themselves and keep going. Not like now, where 500 representatives and 228 senators fuck everything up and millions suffer the deadly pestilence and toxicity that result; that is, the poor, the people of Mexico, are those who suffer.
Brothers and sister laborers, we have you in mind and all others who work, we all carry the same smell of sweat from working for the exploiters. Now that my Zapatista compañer@s are opening the door, if you understand what we mean, join the Sixth and learn about the autonomous government of the EZLN. And you also, indigenous and non-indigenous brothers and sisters of the world, we want you to understand us. 
We are the principal producers of the wealth of those who are wealthy. Enough! We know that that there are others who are exploited and we want to organize with them, to fight for the people of Mexico and of the world, which belongs to us, not to the neoliberals. 
Indigenous and non-indigenous brothers and sisters of the world, exploited peoples, peoples of America, peoples of Europe, peoples of Africa, peoples of Oceania, peoples of Asia. 
The neoliberals are those who want to be the owners of the world, that's what we say, they want to make all capitalist countries into their own ranches, and their overseers are the capitalist governments of underdeveloped countries. And that's how they'll keep it, if all of us, as workers, do not organize.
We know that there is exploitation in the world. We should not let the distance between each of us on our side of the world distance us from each other. We should get closer, uniting our thought, our ideas, and our struggle for ourselves. 
Where you are, there is exploitation, just as there is for us. 
You suffer repression, just like us.
You are being stolen from, just like us, here they have been stealing from us for more than 500 years. 
They look down on you, just as they continue to look down on us. 
And that's where we are, that's where they have us, and that's how things will continue if we don't join each other's hands.
There are many reasons to unite ourselves and give birth to our rebellion and defend ourselves against this beast that does not want to get off of us and that never will if we don't throw it off ourselves. 
Here in our Zapatista communities, our autonomous governments in rebellion and their organized compañer@s are confronting neoliberal capitalism day and night, and we are ready for anything that comes and in whatever form it may come. 
These are now facts, this is how the Zapatista compañer@s are organized. It only takes decision, organization, work, thought, and putting things into practice, and then we must correct and improve without tiring, and if we rest, it is in order to gather strength and go forward. The people rule and the government obeys. 
It can be done, brothers and sisters, the poor of the world, here is the example of your indigenous Zapatista brothers and sisters in Chiapas, Mexico. 
It is time for us to make the world that we want, the world that we imagine, the world that we desire. We know how. It is difficult, because there are those who don't want this, and they are precisely those who exploit us. But if we don't do it now, our future will be even harder and there will never be freedom.
That's how we understand things, and that's why we are searching, wanting to find each other, know each other, learn from each other and ourselves.
We hope you will be able to come, and if not, we will look for other ways to see and get to know each other. 
We will be waiting for you here at this door that it is my job to take care of, here where you can enter the humble school where my compañer@s want to share the little that we have learned, to see if it is of use to you there where you live and work. We are sure that those who are part of the Sixth will come, or not, but in any case they will enter the little school where we will explain what the Zapatistas mean by freedom, they will see our advances and our failures, which we will not hide, but they will do all of this with the best teachers there are, that is, the Zapatista peoples. 
The little school is very humble, it has humble beginnings, but for the Zapatista compañer@s it means the freedom to do what we want for what we think is a better life.   
We are making this little school better every day, because it is necessary to do so and because it is in practice that we learn and demonstrate how to move forward. That is, practice is the best form through which to learn how to make things better. Theory gives us ideas, but what gives us form is practice, the practice of how to govern autonomously.
It's like they say: "When the poor believe in the poor, then we will be able to sing freedom." Only we haven't just heard this, but we are doing it in practice. That is the fruit that our compañer@s want to share with you. And yes it is true, just think how many bad things the bad governments have done to us and they haven't been able to destroy us, nor will they be able to, because what is built is of the people, for the people, and by the people. The people will defend it. 
There is much I could tell you, but it's not the same thing for me to tell you as it is for you to see it for yourselves and have your questions answered in person by my compañeros and compañeras who are bases of support. They may answer with difficulty because it will be in Spanish, but the best answer is the practice of the compañer@s, which will be visible and which they are living out. 
What we are doing is very small, but it will be very big for the poor of Mexico and the world. Just like we, the poor of Mexico and of the world, are very big, that is, very many, and we need to construct the world in which we will live for ourselves. We know what it is like when the opposite happens, when it is a ruling group that comes to an agreement, and not the people. We have come to understand what it really means to represent, we now know how to do this in practice, by carrying out the 7 principles of rule-by-obeying. 
We can now see the horizon, which according to us is a new world, and which you will be able to see and learn from, so as to give birth to a different world, the world that you imagine wherever it is that you might live. We can share our wisdom with each other and create our worlds differently from the way that things are now. 
We want to see each other, listen to each other; this is a great experience for us, it will help us to know other worlds and to choose the best of the world that we want. 
We need organization, decision, agreement, struggle, resistance, self-defense, work, practice. If there is something missing here, add it compañeros and compañeras. 
So, for now, we are deciding how the little school we are making for you will be, we'll see if there will be enough space. The point is that we are getting ready. And that any compañero or compañera who we invite and who wants can come and see and feel, and even if they can't come, we'll find a way to share it.   
We are waiting for you compañeras and compañeros of the Sixth.
We are preparing to receive you, take care of you, and attend to you like the compañer@s that we are, like our compañer@s that you are. And we are also preparing for our word to reach the ear of those who cannot come to our home, we will do this with your help.   
And of course, we should tell you that this might take awhile, but that, as our brother and sisters of the Mapuche people says: one, ten, one hundred, one thousand times we will win, we will always be victorious. 
So, to finish, next time it will be compañero Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos' turn to talk to you, we're going to keep taking turns back and forth, he and I, to explain everything to you. Now it is time for you to hear me too, for while I have been doing this work for many years, this is the first time that it is up to me to sign the following lines publicly…
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.
For the Indigenous Revolutionary Clandestine Committee
General Command of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation 
Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
Mexico, February 2013.
 P.S.- I want to take this opportunity also to tell you that the password for the next parts, which will come from the window that Supmarcos is in charge of is "nosotr@s." And that's all, because in the school of struggle you can't copy off a compa, but rather everyone has to generate their own struggle respecting each other, like the compas that we are.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Translation: El Kilombo Intergalactico
Watch and listen to the videos that accompany this text at:
Vídeo taken in CIDECI, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, in 2009, when today's Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés was a Lieutenant Colonel. This is just a fragment of various talks that he gave, but I'll put it here so that you remember that you already know him, and so that those who didn't see him can meet him. The video is from Agencia Prensa India, from the series "Generando Contrapoderes" (Generating Counterpowers).
A story called "Los de después, sí entendimos" (We who came later understand) dedicated to those compañeros and compañeras who have fallen over the course of our long path. Read by one of our dear "Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo" (Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo), Alba Lanzilloto.
Panteón Rococó with the track  "La Carencia," in a concert in Germany in 2008.  Dedicated to all those in all parts of the world who work their asses off and even so, they sing, dance, and dream. To the trampoline with the Panteones!
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Monday, February 18, 2013

Read: [NetworkAztlan_News] Perspectives for Revolution in the Middle East – Part One

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Hola Cort ~ A very good analysis that we here in the USA, esp. Chicanos/Latinos should understand and see how it relates to our general situation in Aztlán. I am not a Marxist, as neither was Karl Marx, but I am open to any analysis that increases our mutual understanding of the world.

For now, Emperor Obama has us gnawing on the bone of Immigration Reform with false promises. We need to address the basic survival needs of our peoples in our local urban communities and in the fascist prison system, not strictly immigration reform. Besides, what we need is a General Amnesty for Mexican immigrants to come out of the shadows, not a long-term tortuous Immigration Reform.

We see the Occupy Wall Street Movement has peaked out, though it has taken other forms and extensions. There is great promise if we as Chicanos claim our indigenous roots and struggle together with all indigenous peoples in the Americas in the #IdleNoMore Movement. Yet there is a need for us to evolve beyond ethnic-tribal-racial identity politics and enter into the larger scope and range of global liberation politics in harmony with all who struggle for justice under the Evil Empire.

For sure, there remains a desperate need for strong vanguard leadership that is able to channel the practical needs and deep dreams of the people, esp. for those of us here in the U.S.A.

Creative analyses of both objective and subjective conditions must be considered in developing a general strategy and related set of tactics. The objective conditions have long existed. The subjective factors  in terms of a mass revolutionary consciousness has yet to be developed and expanded on a large scale. There are so many divisions amongst us that are in the main the cumulative results of our living in the belly of the beast in fascist urban Amerika. We are crippled with character defects and in a somewhat pampered situation compared to the rest of the world.

We ourselves have character defects we need to overcome, including inflated egotism and selfish
individualism. The disease of these character defects can be eased when we start working on our own inner spiritual liberation. Most of us should know we need to work on ourselves on an individual level and change what we can within us before we go forth and assume to change the external world.

U.S. progressives can be very good about bringing up situations in countries thousands of miles away, but we need to focus closer to home to be relevant to our zombie-like neighbors.

Venceremos! We Will Win! Educate to Liberate!
Peter S. Lopez AKA @Peta_de_Aztlan
Sacramento, California

c/s


From: Cort Greene <cort.greene@gmail.com>
To: Venezuela_Today <Venezuela_Today@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, February 18, 2013 4:18 PM
Subject: [NetworkAztlan_News] Perspectives for Revolution in the Middle East – Part One

http://www.marxist.com/perspectives-for-revolution-in-the-middle-east-part-1.htm

Perspectives for Revolution in the Middle East – Part One

Written by International Marxist TendencyMonday, 18 February 2013
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Two years since the Egyptian revolution and we have seen many killed on the streets of Cairo in clashes between the revolutionary youth and workers and the Islamists of the regime. This is an indication of the situation as it stands today in the Arab world. The revolution brought down the Mubarak and Ben Ali regimes, but did not solve any of the underlying social problems that were the fundamental cause of the revolution. [A statement based on a discussion by the International Executive Committee of the IMT at its recent January meeting].

uprising tunisia

What we said in the past

The Arab revolution came as no surprise to the Marxists. We had been following developments there for some time. For example, we published an article on the Arab Revolution in 2007: "Class Struggle Brewing in the Middle East" and other articles. This was at a time when capitalism in Europe and North America was still experiencing a boom and Latin America was at the forefront. We emphasised the role of Venezuela and Latin America as a whole, as the centre of revolutionary developments on a world scale.
While we were highlighting the revolutionary potential of the Latin American situation, explaining that it was an anticipation of what would soon emerge on a global scale, many on the left were sceptical. These people are always playing down the revolutionary potential of the masses. At the time they were claiming that the Middle East was the opposite of what pertained in Latin America. They claimed that what dominated in the Middle East was black reaction, and even some "Marxists" were of the opinion that the IMT leadership was too optimistic about world revolution.
The fact, however, is that we base our optimistic perspectives not on subjective wishful thinking, but on the reality of the objective situation, on the economic, social, and political conditions and the real possibilities for social revolution that flow from these conditions. Ours is not an empty, abstract optimism.
Back in 2007 we explained that in Israel, with the defeat in the war in Lebanon, the class contradictions would come to the fore. These perspectives were soon confirmed by a series of strikes by dockworkers and other sectors. In Iran we highlighted the splits that were emerging at the top of the regime and the growing social discontent. Two years later we saw the magnificent revolutionary movement that shook the regime to its foundations, and only failed to overthrow it due to lack of a firm revolutionary leadership.
On Palestine we explained how Fatah and Hamas were both exposing themselves in the eyes of the masses, as they administered the Palestinian territories in the service of imperialism.
Concerning the situation in Egypt, we wrote articles about the coming storm, despite the boom the country was experiencing at the time. If one had a superficial and undialectical approach to the siltation, looking only at the surface, everything would have looked fine, but we could see the huge social polarization that was taking place. We understood that the growing economy would lead to a strengthening of the working class; we also highlighted the role of women and the revolutionary role they would play. The strikes of the Malhalla textile workers, where women, wearing the veil led the way in pushing the men to also come out on strike, were an indication of what was about to erupt. We also highlighted the role of a highly educated but unemployed youth, with no outlet. It was a powder keg, just waiting for a spark.

The Tunisian spark to the revolution

That spark came at the end of 2010 in Tunisia, when one young, desperate poor man, set himself ablaze in protest at the way he had been treated by the police. This has an immediate resonance among the wider masses who identified with his condition, and the Tunisian revolution began. In turn, the Tunisian revolution was the bigger spark that then spread to Egypt, and then to the entire Arab world ad beyond.
Our analysis on the Egyptian revolution was second to none, a daily analysis at the height of the struggle against Mubarak. We analysed each and every turn in the situation, anticipating the next step of the revolutionary masses. And we have followed the main stages since then.
The main feature of the Arab Revolution is that there was no revolutionary leadership of the working class. Unless we understand this, we cannot explain subsequent events. Events don't stand still waiting for the "subjective factor", the revolutionary party to be created. In such a situation a vacuum appears and it must be filled. In Tunisia and Egypt, that vacuum was filled by the Islamists. This has been also the case in Libya, Syria, etc.
When such rapid changes take place, with swings from revolution to counter-revolution, many on the left start moaning once again, returning to their previous mantra about "Islamic fundamentalism!", almost as if this were some kind of invisible unstoppable force. This is utterly false.
The rise of such forces is the consequence of a lack of revolutionary leadership. Revolution is a process and not one single act. Revolution and counter-revolution march together and at different moments in the process one or the other can dominate. The point is that life teaches. The Islamists took office in Egypt and Tunisia, filling the void, but now that they are in government they are being exposed as a reactionary force. Their task is to cut across the revolution, divert the masses down the road of Islamic fundamentalism, put up the pretence of being "anti-imperialists" while secretly doing business with "the Great Satan," and to apply the policies capitalism requires: austerity, cuts in subsidies, etc. parallel to the policies everywhere else. They demagogically say they are defending the revolution, while they in fact undermine it. The point is that now the masses are seeing through this and that explains the latest turn of events in these countries.

New wave of revolution being prepared

The revolution is not over. Far from it! A new wave of revolution is now developing. There will be many waves, precisely due to 1) the lack of the subjective factor, 2) the relative weakness of the ruling class, and 3) the enormous strength of the working class. This means that the ruling class is too weak to move immediately to a reactionary clampdown and therefore has to constantly manoeuvre and count on the weakness of the leadership of the working class.
In 2011 all eyes were on the revolution in the Arab World, but within a very short amount of time it shifted to Europe. This is an important development, as we have always explained that the key to the world revolution is to be found in the advanced capitalist countries. In the past, the colonial revolution raged (in the 1960s and 1970s), while for the most part, in the advanced capitalist countries, there was a prolonged boom. The conditions in the former colonial countries were ripe for revolution, but revolution in the advanced capitalist countries was delayed. This explained the peculiar developments in these countries.
The masses in these countries could not wait for the revolution in the advanced countries and proceeded towards revolution, but in the given circumstances, and with the mainly Stalinist leadership of these revolutions, the best that could be achieved was some form of Stalinism. This explains the phenomenon of proletarian Bonapartism that emerged from guerrilla wars, military coups and so on.
Now the situation is very different. We have revolutionary and pre-revolutionary convulsions worldwide, involving both the former colonial countries and the advanced capitalist countries. The Arab masses now see their revolution as part of a regional and worldwide movement. They look to Spain, Greece, etc. for inspiration, and vice versa the masses in Europe are inspired by the revolutions in the Middle East. We see this also in the United States. See, for example, the struggle against Scott Walker in Wisconsin at the same time as the fall of Mubarak. An important element is that the Arab masses see also the diminishing power of U.S. and Israeli imperialism and their ability to crush revolutions, etc. and this gives the masses greater confidence.

Egypt

Initially in Egypt a section of the people had illusions in the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). But in a very short period of time people have started to see through them. Now the president, Morsi, is trying to move towards some form of Bonapartism, by assuming greater powers. But the masses reacted in hundreds of thousands, coming out onto the streets attacking MB headquarters, calling for the fall of the regime.
The response of the regime to all this has been brutal. Through such experiences the masses see that nothing has changed. Now the MB is losing support rapidly. This is because the masses carried the revolution, not only to overthrow Mubarak but to solve the burning social and economic problems they were facing. And now that Mubarak has been removed nothing fundamental has changed for the masses. On the contrary, things have actually worsened for them.
GDP in Egypt has gone from over 6% growth before the revolution to 1.8% now. There has been a sharp slowdown in the economy. Unemployment has risen and foreign investment has gone done to just 10% of what it was previously.
In these conditions the youth and workers are drawing conclusions. The Islamists have been exposed, and there is a shift in the politics. This explains the emergence of the National Salvation Front (NSF), made up of various forces, including Nasserites like Sabbahi, who also declares himself a socialist (in reality more of a social-democrat). This is an interesting development, for Nasser was moving in the direction of proletarian Bonapartism and carried out many nationalizations and welfare reforms, opposing imperialism, and so on. Nasser is remembered positively in the memory of the Egyptian working class).
However, the NSF also includes bourgeois liberals like El Baradei, and Moussa from the old Mubarak regime. This is a kind of popular front of forces that are rooted within the working masses and forces that represent the same ruling class that stood behind Mubarak. This Front has gathered much support among the masses, especially the youth in the recent period, and is an indication a of a further radicalisation taking place.
The next period will see the present Egyptian government come under remorseless pressure. For the bourgeois and the imperialist its task is to carry out severe austerity measures. At this stage, in reality, Morsi has only just begun to implement the policies of the IMF and World Bank. He was forced to back off temporarily in face of the mass protests. The problem is that he has so far not lived up to the tasks the bourgeois and imperialists have been demanding of him. Thus the MB will have to press forward with the attacks – and this will only expose them further in the eyes of the masses.

Islamic fundamentalism – a reactionary phenomenon

The Muslim Brotherhood is and always has been a reactionary force. We took a principled stand on the Muslim Brotherhood when they tried to present themselves as being part of the revolution. We explained who they were and what they would do. Unfortunately, others on the left, like the Revolutionary Socialists, the Egyptian group affiliated to the British SWP, supported the MB, with the excuse that it was "part of the revolution", albeit its right wing! This was a scandalous position to adopt for a group claiming to be socialists.
What they forgot was that the role of Marxists is not to tail-end the masses. It is to tell the workers and the youth the truth. Sometimes telling the truth can make you temporarily unpopular. Sometimes it can be difficult to maintain one' bearings in such a situation, and if one is not anchored to the fundamental ideas of Marxism one can make very serious mistakes. The IMT told the truth, and explained the real nature of the Muslim Brotherhood. Now we have the authority to enter into dialogue with the healthier elements on the left in Egypt, while the authority of those who sowed illusions in it has now been seriously reduced.
This is a clear example of how a theoretical discussion and understanding of a phenomenon, and the position we take, determines whether you can build or not. With a wrong position you cannot build, even if you temporarily gather support. Sooner or later, the truth comes out.
We see a similar situation in Tunisia, where now big protests and strike waves have continued. Towards the end of last year there were a series of strikes and regional strikes, with a general strike called for mid-December. But this was called off at the last minute by the UGTT union leadership. The decision to call off the strike was only passed with a very small margin on the National Executive of the union. There is in fact a strong left wing in the union. Had it not been for this decision there would have been a mass general strike that could have brought down the Islamist government. [Since then we have seen the mass movement, including a general strike, after the assassination of the opposition leader, Chokri Belaïd. Thousands took to the streets, attacking the offices of the ruling Islamist Ennahda party, which they considered responsible for the assassination].
In both Tunisia and Egypt, the Islamic government have already revealed their true colours, and the masses are being further radicalized as a result. Who can doubt that if there were a genuine socialist force, that it would be growing rapidly in these conditions? Rather than the "black reaction" of Islamism dominating the scene, we have the masses learning from experience and moving to a higher level. This is clearly the case in both Egypt and Tunisia.

Libya

The Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions sparked off a wider process that went well beyond the borders of these two countries. We see how in Libya the masses followed the lead of their neighbours and moved onto the road of revolution. But Libya is very different from its neighbours. It had a different history, a different regime, a far weaker working class, etc. Thus, it proved to be a much more distorted process, not as clear as in the Egypt and Tunisia.
The so-called liberation – achieved with the aid of imperialist bombs – has led de facto to the fragmentation of the country. Different militias and local warlords have emerged, and the bourgeois internationally are deeply concerned at how things have turned out. Instead of a nice friendly, stable, pro-Western regime, they have a mess on their hands, with a split between Tripoli and Benghazi and many different local warlords controlling different parts of the country.
Gadhafi was genuinely surprised when he was attacked by the west. "I'm your friend!" he repeated many times. He expressed shock at being attacked by imperialist countries he had been doing good business with until very recently. He had collaborated with the west in its "war on terrorism"; he was policing the North African coast holding back the wave of desperate people trying to illegally emigrate to Europe. But the imperialists, especially the French, saw in Libya the opportunity of intervening in the Arab Revolution, cutting across the whole process and pushing it in a reactionary direction.
Now they are facing an extremely unstable situation, which has spread into Mali, and threatens to go further. It is true that Al Qaeda has found a niche for itself and has been intervening.Nonetheless, it would be an exaggeration to focus all attention on the Al Qaeda elements – they are there, of course, but that is not the whole story. Gadhafi had built up a complex network of tribal alliances, buying off the so-called tribal leaders, balancing one against the other, etc. Now, however, without the centralizing power of Gadhafi, this is falling apart, and the country risks actual break up.
However, in Libya also, like in neighbouring Egypt and Tunisia, there is a strong anti-Islamic current. For example, after the killing of the U.S. ambassador in Benghazi, thousands of Libyans attacked the headquarters of the Salafite militias and burned them down, killing several of them, demanding they be disbanded, disarmed, etc.

Conflict in Mali

What the imperialists achieved with the bombing of the country has been the destabilization of Libya which has allowed Islamic groups to operate there, and this has connected with the internal conflict in Mali, which is a leftover of the colonial period. The borders of Mali are artificial; they cut though living communities and fuse together peoples that speak different languages and have different religions. This has created a complex National Question, which the Islamists have attempted to exploit. The situation is getting out of control for the imperialists – as they stumble from one blunder to another.
The French were the most enthusiastic in calling for a military intervention in Libya. They did not calculate the effects this would have in Mali and now they have been forced to intervene there as well.
Mali has in fact been ravaged by civil war for more than a year. The Tuareg people have a history of national liberation movements. For decades the MNLA have been fighting for decades against Bamako's central authority. At the end of 2011, an alliance was formed by three fundamentalist groups: Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM); Ansar el Din; and the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MOJWA). In April this alliance occupied the north of Mali and the major cities Kidal, Gao, Timbuktu and Niafunke. A temporary agreement between the Tuareg militias and the central government created a temporary breathing space, but the "men in blue" were soon overwhelmed by the jihadists of Al Qaeda. The threat of four thousand Jihadist fighters, well armed and much more determined and aggressive than the Malian army, made the situation too precarious and unsustainable for French interests.
Mali is a key country in the middle of West Africa, and is an important route to Niger, the main supplier of uranium for French nuclear power plants. So, far from the official pretext of the 'rise of Islamic Fundamentalism', there are important strategic and economic interests at stake.
The French claim that military intervention is to "defend democracy". But there is no "democracy" in Mali, not even of the limited bourgeois type. In March 2012 there was a coup that removed the previous government and installed a military dictatorship under the control of Captain Amadou Haya Sanogo, who suspended the constitution and the main democratic rights, and who appoints and removes the presidents at will. Sanogo was trained in the US, and was therefore granted a degree of confidence in controlling Mali. But he has not been able to deliver; that is, to stop the advance of the rebels. This is where the "disinterested" democratic France comes into the picture.
The fact is that there is no easy solution to the situation, either in Libya or Mali. The only real solution would be for the workers in Egypt and Tunisia to take power. The situation in Libya would then be rapidly clarified.
One cannot discuss perspectives within the narrow borders of this or that country, especially when we are dealing with quite undeveloped countries such as Mali. Events in the advanced capitalist countries, in the long run, will develop what happens in the less developed countries. In this sense the European revolution is also key to understanding how things will develop in this situation. In fact, the whole world is interconnected. The Arab Revolution inspired the European masses and now the European masses offer inspiration and hope to the Arab masses.
[To be continued...]
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