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http://sundial.csun.edu/home/index.cfm?event=displayArticlePrinterFriendly&uStory_id=d15f0ed0-f350-4070-b825-8dc9a325a046
Posted: 10/23/06
Documentary gives look at CSUN history
'Unrest' tells of Chicano/a Studies department
By Daniel Antolin
California State University, Northridge= There were not enough seats in the University Student Union's Sol Center last Wednesday for CSUN students, professors and alumni who came to see the premiere of "Unrest: The Development of the CSUN Chicano/a Studies Department," a documentary about how black and Chicano/a students in the late 1960s fought for equal representation on campus and curriculums about their histories.
The event, which was a commemoration of the Chicano/a Studies department's history at CSUN, began with the Herrera family band Conjunto Hueyapan singing "No Nos Moveran," or "They Will Not Move Us," while those in attendance helped themselves to chicken tacos, fruit plates and horchata drinks.
Biology major Xochitl Rivas said she wanted to watch "Unrest" because her mother, who attended CSUN in the late 1960s, had demonstrated on campus alongside members of the Black Student Union and United Mexican-American Students, an organization now known as Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano/a de Aztlán. Rivas said she heard about "Unrest" from Miguel Duran, who initially volunteered to help with the project, but eventually became one of the film's producers, along with three other students and two faculty members.
"Miguel told me a lot about it without really saying too much about it because he wanted it to be (a) surprise," Rivas said. "He was really enthusiastic about the film."
Oscar Alvarez, a business major, said he wanted to see the film because his high school history teacher once told him how he was beaten by police when students in 1968 took over the administration building.
"He would also talk about how people would be speaking in the open forum and police would just yank the mike from their hands and arrest them," Alvarez said.
The beginning of the film showed images of bombs being continually dropped into the jungles of Southeast Asia and President Richard Nixon's 1969 speech in which he states that "the great silent majority" of hardworking Americans who supported the Vietnam War were being silenced by protestors.
Interviews of 16 professors and alumni throughout the film brought to light the circumstances leading to the demonstrations, which resulted in 450 more black and Chicano students being admitted to CSUN - then known as San Fernando Valley State College - and the creation of the Chicano/a Studies department.
Biology professor Warren Furumoto said he remembered that during this time he was a junior on a campus that was surrounded by several orange groves in what was a predominantly white neighborhood that began on Balboa Boulevard.
It was a small college of 8,000 students, only 69 of whom were Chicano. The Educational Opportunities Program offered to pay for the cost of tuition, room and board so that black and Chicano/a students could have access to the university.
Raul Aragon, who attended courses alongside mostly white students, said "we wanted inclusion of more Chicano students in the university and weren't even thinking of developing a Chicano Studies program when we started EOP."
Students like Aragon taught their own "experimental college" courses. All they had to do was find an empty classroom, fill out forms explaining what the class was and its objectives and then teach about anything that interested them.
Having a cultural identity was discouraged. Delmar T. Oviatt, who the CSUN library is named after, made it clear that he wanted these students to come to the university as every other student, not as black and Chicanos, Aragon said.
The Chicano House was burned to the ground, a black football player was kicked in the rear end by his coach and the demonstrations by the BSU. UMAS and Students for a Democratic Society ensued, the student documentary showed.
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http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/headline/metro/4279586.html
Oct. 23, 2006, 12:43PM
CELEBRATING EID AL-FITR
Together in prayer, support
Latina Muslim converts gather to share and forge their newfound faith, friendship
By BARBARA KARKABI
Email= barbara.karkabi@chron.com
When Zulayka Martinez left the Roman Catholic Church and converted to Islam six years ago, she was happy and at peace with her decision. But she felt like an outsider in her new faith. Looking back, she realizes her problem was more of a cultural and language barrier. Most members of Houston mosques were of Arab or Pakistani backgrounds. She didn't know any Spanish-speaking Muslims. And as a single woman, she found it especially hard during holidays.
"My first two Ramadans, I felt very alone," she said, referring to the holy month. At first, she was afraid to tell her parents that she had converted. "But after I did, my mother would fix me food to break the fast."
What a difference six years make.
In that time, Martinez has become the center of a close-knit group of Latina Muslims who support each other throughout Ramadan and the rest of the year. For today's festive Eid al-Fitr, the day that ends the month of fasting, she is organizing the women for morning prayers and a celebratory brunch.
"She is the mole that holds us together," Adriana Castillo-Shah said. "She is like me, always saying we are doing this or that, always supportive, always getting us together."
During Ramadan, the women often met for sunset prayers at local mosques and to break the daily fast. They gathered weekly at different homes for festive Iftar dinners. As the early evening sky began to darken from rosy pink to deep blue on a recent Saturday, Martinez anxiously looked at her watch. "They're always late," she said. "We work on Mexican time."
No sooner had she spoken than her Iftar guests arrived, several holding small children by the hand. As they entered, each woman took a date from a bowl and ate it to break the fast, then took a sip of water. In the corner of the living room they set up a prayer rug. Castillo-Shah whipped a compass out of her purse to determine the direction of Mecca. At 7 p.m., she called out the prayers as the women bowed, stood up and bowed again.
"We each take turns calling the prayers," Castillo-Shah said. "I'm terrible with directions so I take my compass everywhere. At home I have an alarm clock that sings out the call to prayers, so I can't forget."
Reasons for conversion: The lively group chatted in Spanish and English while Martinez prepared chicken enchiladas and lamb in her sister's kitchen, borrowed for the evening. No one seemed bothered by the large picture of The Last Supper behind the table or by the image of the Virgin of Guadalupe on the wall.
Castillo-Shah said that removing pictures like that from the walls of her home was one of the hardest things she did after converting three years ago.
They told a visitor of their reasons for converting: they were attracted by the simplicity of Islam; the fact that they could pray directly to God without an intermediary (something they could do under Catholicism as well); Islam's focus on close family ties, similar to that generally found in Latino culture; and respect for women. Some felt they were discovering lost roots from Islamic Spain.
"Before I was Muslim, I used to wish I was covered," said Maria Franco, a native of Monterrey, Mexico. "Back home, people would say, 'Oooooh, you good-looking girl,' and make many other rude comments. I hated that."
Franco was a single mother with a son when she converted to Islam in 1998. Her father once made fun of her decision, but became so impressed with his daughter's devotion that he eventually converted to Islam, as did one of her brothers.
Castillo-Shah converted to Islam seven years after marrying a Muslim. She had not planned to convert and said she never felt pressured to do so by her husband, a native of Pakistan. But the more she learned about Islam, the more convinced she became that it was the right path for her. She converted and surprised her husband. "He was so excited and called all his family," she said.
Over dinner, the women chatted about the upcoming wedding of fellow convert Nyelene Ismail. Others talked about the challenges of fasting from sunrise to sunset during Ramadan.
Castillo-Shah, for example, has diabetes and under Islamic law is not required to fast. But she wants to please Allah, she said, so she has fasted since converting. Her friends keep close watch over her and her blood sugar.
Also on their minds was fashion, and what they might wear on Eid al-Fitr.
Martinez, who is known for her color-coordinated, sparkly headscarves, will choose one that matches the outfit she wears. It might be a stylish hijab made by her mother.
"At the beginning, I didn't want to wear the scarf and long dresses," Martinez said. " ... When Hurricane Rita was coming, the first thing I packed was my scarves and my pictures. Clothes I can buy, but I can never replace all those scarves."
It took more than a year for Martinez to make her first Hispanic Muslim friend. Then, three years after her conversion, a class in Spanish for female converts and others interested in learning about Islam began at El Farouq, the mosque she most frequently attends.
Now, Martinez said, she is meeting Latino converts, both new and old, almost weekly. Just recently she was at Starbucks when a young Hispanic woman asked about her head scarf. The stranger said she had always been interested in Islam. Several days later, she accompanied Martinez to evening prayers at a mosque.
At the Iftar gathering, several women said they had converted because they were searching for something they could not find in Catholicism. That was not the case for Martinez, who initially tried to convince a Muslim acquaintance that Catholicism was a better choice.
"Before I could do that, I felt I needed to find out more about his religion," she recalls. "So I got a Quran and some books."
Looking for answers: During a Catholic retreat, she found herself reading the Quran instead of the Bible. To Martinez, the Quran was similar but more descriptive. It also answered questions she had not found in the Bible.
"I was scared, though my heart felt so at ease and I thought: 'Is this from the devil?" she recalled. "I went to the priest to make confession, and I started crying. That's when he said: 'I have read the Quran. I understand it. But you need to follow your religion. Muslims are not bad people, but they are not right. We are correct. Don't question your religion; practice it, but don't question it.' "
Martinez didn't like the answer. As she continued her research, she realized that Islam respected and honored Jesus as a prophet. That removed the last stumbling block. "To me, I didn't abandon Christianity, I discovered a religion that continued it," she said.
The women are sometimes criticized by other Hispanics about their decision to convert. That's why Martinez felt it was important for them to be united as Latinas and Muslims.
Photo Caption= Zulayka Martinez, who converted to Islam six years ago, says she "felt very alone" during her first two Ramadans. Since then, she has become the center of a close-knit group of Latina Muslims who support each other throughout the holy month and the rest of the year. MELISSA PHILLIP: CHRONICLE
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http://www.elpasotimes.com/breakingnews/ci_4536241
Article Launched:10/23/2006 05:09:27 PM MDT
Border sheriffs look into volunteer reserve force (5:11 p.m.)
By Louie Gilot / El Paso Times
Email= lgilot@elpasotimes.com - #546-6131.
Border sheriffs are looking into developing a volunteer reserve force to add personnel on the border and combat what they say is an increased immigration and drug-related activity in their counties, El Paso Sheriff Leo Samaniego said today.
The Southwestern Border Sheriff's Coalition, with 26 sheriffs from California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas, met today at the Best Western Valley Inn in Las Cruces to hear from the Reserve Police Officers Association about developing a reserve deputy program.
"Every time you have a reserve officer, it frees up a regular officer," Samaniego said.
Samaniego said El Paso has already trained 10 such officers, some of whom are local teachers. These officers can do all that regular deputies do, including arresting people, Samaniego said.
Samaniego said he planned on having another reserve academy soon.
The Southwestern Border Sheriff's Coalition was officially born today when the sheriffs agreed on bylaws and chose a chairman, Ralph Ogden, sheriff of Yuma County, Ariz.
The Coalition is a spinoff of the Texas Border Sheriff's Coalition, which will continue to operate under the new group. The group was formed to coordinate enforcement operations and go after federal money for border security.
Two more counties have applied for membership to the coalition, Otero County in New Mexico and Pecos County in Texas. Samaniego said he expected that the two counties would be accepted, making the total number of participating counties 28, including two in California, four in Arizona, four in New Mexico and 18 in Texas. Only two border counties in New Mexico, Grant and Hidalgo, are not members, Samaniego said. The Las Cruces meeting continues today.
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http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_4534900
Article Launched:10/23/2006 12:00:00 AM MDT
As Bliss grows, immigration debate rages, tolerance urged
By Daniel Borunda / El Paso Times
Email= dborunda@elpasotimes.com #546-6102.
The divisive immigration debate plus an influx of military families is creating a period in which more understanding is needed across ethnic groups in El Paso, advocates said. El Paso is often applauded for its cultural diversity, but beneath the surface exist tensions that have the potential to boil, said Dawn A. Thurmond, director of the YWCA El Paso del Norte Region's Racial Justice program.
"If our children are fighting in the playground because they are different, something is going on at home that makes it not OK to be different," Thurmond said.
An FBI report released last week showed there were eight hate crimes in El Paso in 2005.
"I think because we are 75 percent Hispanic population, we don't see the discrimination seen in other cities and sometimes it's a reverse discrimination," Thurmond said. "When we don't talk about these things that's when problems start."
Fort Bliss is scheduled to gain more than 45,000 soldiers, family members and civilians during the next six years and the growth could mean arrivals unaccustomed to living with a Hispanic majority.
"It's just a matter of getting acclimated to the surroundings, if you will," said the Rev. Billy R. Williams, a retired Army sergeant major and president of the El Paso chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
Counselors and teachers recently worked to dissolve disputes between black and mostly Spanish-speaking students at Travis Elementary School.
"Travis is a very unique school," counselor Rosemary Diaz said. "We have about 30 percent military. We have African-Americans, Caucasians and in the community it is mostly Hispanics."
The school's fifth-grade students took part in the Racial Justice Initiative, which offers workshops for children and adults to identify racial biases, promote respect and enhance the appreciation of diversity. The 4-year-old YWCA program is available to educational, business and other organizations.
The workshops reveal beliefs that are "very startling sometimes," Thurmond said, recalling the response a girl gave when asked about blacks during an exercise on stereotypes.
"'They need to go back to Africa,' (the girl said.) We asked her why she said that and she said, 'Well, that's what my aunt and mom always say.'"
"Hatred is not something born in us. It's something that's learned," Thurmond said.
For more information about the YWCA Racial Justice programs, call 577-9922, ext. 250.
Hate crimes in El"Paso in 2005, listed by type of crime, bias and date of occurrence, if available:
* Telephone harassment, race, April: A black woman received a harassing call from a Hispanic man making derogatory racial comments.
* Telephone harassment, race, May 25: A black man received a possibly racially-motivated harassing call.
* Assault, ethnic, June 13: A fight erupted at a Northeast grocery store when a 52-year-old woman made racial slurs at two Hispanics in front of her at the checkout line. The Anglo woman hit three people, including one who was struck by a cane.
* Four criminal mischief cases involved a man who felt his home under construction on the West Side was targeted because he is of Middle Eastern descent.
--June 30: A rock wall was knocked down.
--Oct. 3: A wooden board was thrown and damaged a side door.
--Oct. 5: Roof shingles on pallets were thrown and damaged a wall.
--Nov. 3: Thrown rocks damaged a door.
* Criminal mischief, sexual orientation, Nov. 26: A bumper sticker stating a gay man's sexual orientation was placed on his vehicle.
Source: El"Paso Police Department.
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http://www.cwnews.com/news/viewstory.cfm?recnum=47238
October 23, 2006
Synod council raps US-Mexico border wall
Oct. 23 (CWNews.com) - At a meeting in Rome early in October, the special council for the Synod for the Americas produced a statement calling attention to poverty and social unrest in Central and South America.
"The social and ecclesial situation" in the Americas "shows hopeful signs, but also worrying ones," the Synod document said. The problems detailed by the statement included the rising number of abortions and divorces, the poverty and social instability of Latin America, the violence in the region, and drug trafficking.
Speaking out on one highly controversial issue, the Synod council's statement criticized proposals for a border wall blocking illegal immigration from Mexico into the United States. Such a barrier, the statement argued, would not resolve the problem of illegal migration, which can only be addressed effectively by a coordinated approach to the underlying issues that prompt people to leave their native countries.
The council voiced concern about "the crisis of democratic structures," in which some "populist and demogogical-- often neo-Marxist-- forms of government" in the Americas. That statement apparently referred to the rise of regimes such as the Venezuelan government under Hugo Chavez, which has clashed repeatedly with the bishops there.
On a more positive note, the 5 cardinals and 6 bishops who make up the Synod council observed the impressive rise in the number of priests: an increase of over 17% since 1978. Still, the report noticed that the number of women religious has declined.
The Synod council for the Americas met in Rome on October 2-3 to approve the statement released this week. The group will meet again in October 2007 to review the latest developments since the special Synod of Bishops for the Americas, which met in 1997. The work of the Synod was concluded in the apostolic exhortation Ecclesia in America, promulgated by Pope John Paul II (bio - news) in January 1999.
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http://www.dfw.com/mld/startelegram/news/state/15826896.htm
Mon, Oct. 23, 2006
Immigrants seek understanding of Houston's new policyAssociated Press
HOUSTON - Immigrants living in Houston told the city's police department that a new policy requiring officers to ask all arrested suspects whether they're citizens has created fear among the immigrant community.
City officials announced earlier this month that police would work more closely with federal officials to identify illegal immigrants involved in crimes. Under the policy, all arrested suspects are asked about citizenship. Those without identification are fingerprinted and their criminal histories are checked in a national database.
"The climate today is one of terror in the community. You can feel the tension," said Teodoro Aguiluz, executive director of the Central American Resource Center.
More than 200 members of the city's Latino immigrant community attended a Sunday forum hosted by the center to explain the policy changes.
Houston officers are still barred from asking people who aren't under arrest about their immigration status, a restriction that has prompted critics to denounce Houston as a "sanctuary city" for illegal immigrants.
"The change that our department has done is not a new law and not a new ordinance. It's just a change in the normal procedure," Houston police spokesman Gabriel Ortiz told the group. "None of our officers are going to detain someone because they believe that person is here illegally. If you are ever in that situation report it, because the police are not supposed to do that."
The police department said last week that three people among 229 arrested for minor infractions had been turned over to immigration authorities since the policy change. Background checks showed the three had re-entered the country after being deported, which is a felony.
In response audience questions, Ortiz said it's up to individual officers to determine which form of identification the officer will accept, be it a a driver's license, passport or other form of ID.
Ortiz said immigrants should not be afraid to talk to police.
"I know a lot of people are victims of crime or witnesses of crime. Don't stop reporting it. Don't think police are going to ask for your status," Ortiz said.
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http://www.sacbee.com/111/story/44154.html
Monday, October 23, 2006 = Update 6:43 am PDT
Latino votes seen as key to Prop. 85
By Peter Hecht - Bee Capitol Bureau
Story appeared in MAIN NEWS section, Page A18
LOS ANGELES -- Sister Rosa Gonzales says she can count on receptive audiences when she knocks on doors in Latino neighborhoods to urge a "yes" vote on Proposition 85, the parental notification initiative on abortion.
"When they see that nun's habit, they listen," she says.
The sight of Sister Rosa walking voter precincts near the Resurrection Church east of downtown Los Angeles is but one illustration of how the Catholic Church and Proposition 85 proponents are targeting a critical constituency: Latino voters.
The outreach in Latino communities -- by both anti-abortion and abortion rights forces -- reflects the competitive stakes of the parental notification initiative. The measure, a modified version of last year's Proposition 73, would require doctors to notify a parent or guardian before performing abortions on girls under 18.
Proposition 73 lost by 52.6 percent to 47.4 percent as voters were resoundingly rejecting Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's unrelated special election initiatives. So parental notification backers gathered signatures anew, hoping the initiative would fare better in a general election with a broader voter turnout.
While the parental notification initiative is strongly supported by anti-abortion Republican groups and widely opposed by Democratic leaders, the issue plays out differently among Latinos. Though predominantly Democratic, they are seen as a crucial vote because they are more likely to part with their party's abortion rights views.
At Our Lady Queen of Angels Church, a Los Angeles parish with a history of backing immigrant rights, the Sanctuary Movement sheltering 1980s war refugees from El Salvador and other liberal causes, the Rev. Steve Niskanen melds sermons favoring Proposition 85 with criticism of the Iraq war. "I mention 85 in the context of a wider net of pro-life issues, including opposition to war and euthanasia," Niskanen says.
Meanwhile, at Planned Parenthood offices in Pasadena, campaign volunteer Claudia Estrada Powell speaks in Spanish as she trains bilingual women and girls to walk Latino communities to tell parents to vote "no."
Writing on a poster board, she reviews talking points, including warning parents that the notification requirement could imperil the safety of pregnant girls by causing them to delay medical care or counseling or forcing them to seek dangerous or illegal abortions.
"Instead of spending all this money on a campaign, they (initiative backers) should spend it on pregnancy education and prevention," Estrada Powell, who is Catholic, says in an interview.
Supporters emphasize family
Recently, Cardinal Roger Mahony taped an Oct. 1 sermon, urging voters throughout the heavily Latino Los Angeles archdiocese to approve the measure.
Churches are generally restricted under Internal Revenue Service rules from direct campaigning for or against political candidates. But the prohibitions don't apply to taking stands on issues, lobbying and distributing voter materials. So Latino parishes, including the 3,000-member Resurrection Church and the 10,000-member Our Lady Queen of Angels, hold Yes on 85 rallies or include Spanish-language fliers for the initiative in church bulletins. They attempt to persuade voters that it supports family unity.
"In the Hispanic community, family is primary," said Father Marcos Gonzales, associate pastor at the Holy Family Church in Glendale, a 5,000-member congregation that is one-third Latino. "Parents want to know what is going on in their children's lives. It's incomprehensible a child can undergo something so serious and they can be kept out of the loop."
In a campaign called "Protección y Securidad" -- "Protection and Security" -- volunteers for the No on 85 camp canvass Latino neighborhoods to argue the initiative is a misguided attempt to legislate family communication and could subject girls in abusive homes to additional harm.
"Proposition 85 would endanger young Latinas who are afraid of talking to their parents," reads a Spanish- language "canvass script" prepared for No on 85 precinct workers.
Proposition 85 is largely bankrolled by James Holman, publisher of the San Diego Reader and a chain of Catholic newspapers. He has contributed more than $2.6 million to Proposition 85 to date, after donating $1.2 million to the unsuccessful Proposition 73 campaign.
Opponents, led by Planned Parenthood and affiliates, have raised more than $3.8 million to oppose the measure and are expected to top the $4.5 million raised against Proposition 73.
Proposition 85 backers, generally groups or individuals opposing abortion, say the measure attempts to address a fundamental issue of parental rights. They argue that a minor girl can get a surgical abortion or medication to terminate a pregnancy in secret but that consent of a parent or guardian is required for other non-emergency surgeries.
Initiative opponents, namely Planned Parenthood and other abortion rights advocates, say it could harm traumatized young girls -- including victims of sexual or family abuse. Though a teen could obtain permission from a juvenile court judge to avoid the notification requirement, opponents say she would be forced to navigate a confusing labyrinth of the legal system.
While similar to Proposition 73, Proposition 85 no longer includes controversial language calling abortion the "death of an unborn child" -- a definition proponents argued could have undermined legal abortion.
Abortion rights at risk, foes say
Margaret Crosby, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, maintains that Proposition 85 would still undermine an "explicit right to privacy" under the state constitution and result in "a major restriction on abortion rights for young women.
"The purpose of this is to discourage doctors from providing reproductive health care to California teenagers," Crosby said. "And there's a segment of society that wants to harass and discourage doctors from performing abortions."
Katie Short, a Ventura County lawyer who helped draft both Proposition 73 and Proposition 85, said the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld parental notification and consent laws as consistent with the high court's landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision that legalized abortion.
She argues that 35 states now have parental involvement laws for abortion and says California joining the list won't roll back any legal rights.
"It's a scare tactic, clear and simple," Short says of the opponents' claim. "They want to turn this into a referendum on abortion -- and it's not."
Proposition 85 opponents say the state can't legislate "family communications." Proponents say when it comes to abortion, it is a necessary step.
Camille Pecha, a student at St. Francis High School in Sacramento who is volunteering at phone banks for the Yes on 85 campaign, said it is crucial that a doctor notify a parent about an abortion.
"From the perspective of a 15-year-old girl, if I was going through that situation, it would probably be one of the most stressful situations ever," she says. "... Kids are going to be afraid to talk to their parents if they fail a test or crash the car. But they (parents) really need to know."
Briana Castro, a 15-year-old student at South Pasadena High School, volunteered for the No on 85 campaign because she fears the initiative could force troubled girls to harm themselves or seek unsafe abortions.
"I'm concerned many teens will go to places where there's not a certified doctor," Castro says.
But before Castro signed up to walk Los Angeles-area Latino precincts to persuade voters to reject the measure, she talked with her mother.
"My mom told me I should go out and do this," she says.
+++++
About the writer:
The Bee's Peter Hecht can be reached at (916) 326-5539 or phecht@sacbee.com
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http://www.latimes.com/news/local/politics/socal/la-na-border23oct23,0,4552253,full.story?coll=la-home-headlines
October 23, 2006
THE LONG, CROOKED LINE
RISE IN BRIBERY TESTS INTEGRITY OF U.S. BORDER
From California to Texas, 200 officials indicted since 2004.
By Ralph Vartabedian, Richard A. Serrano and Richard Marosi, Times Staff Writers
Email= ralph.vartabedian@latimes.com
Email= richard.serrano@latimes.com
Email= richard.marosi@latimes.com
EL PASO — Bribery of federal and local officials by Mexican smugglers is rising sharply, and with it the fear that a culture of corruption is taking hold along the 2,000-mile border from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego.
At least 200 public employees have been charged with helping to move narcotics or illegal immigrants across the U.S.-Mexican border since 2004, at least double the illicit activity documented in prior years, a Times examination of public records has found. Thousands more are under investigation.
Criminal charges have been brought against Border Patrol agents, local police, a county sheriff, motor vehicle clerks, an FBI supervisor, immigration examiners, prison guards, school district officials and uniformed personnel of every branch of the U.S. military, among others. The vast majority have pleaded guilty or been convicted.
Officials in Washington and along the border worry about what lies below the surface. "It is the tip of the iceberg," said James "Chip" Burrus, assistant director of the criminal investigation division of the FBI. "There is a lot more down there. The problem is, you don't know what you don't know."
What is known — from court cases, other public records and dozens of interviews — is alarming enough. Some schemes have displayed considerable sophistication among Mexican drug lords, and their success shows a discouraging willingness by public employees to take tainted money.
Though America's southern border may evoke images of a poor backwater, it is alive with vast amounts of ill-gotten wealth, shadowy organizations that ply the waters of the Rio Grande, and brazen schemes that seem borrowed out of Cold War espionage.
Perhaps the most revealing example of smugglers' savvy was their cultivation of the highest-ranking FBI official in El Paso, Special Agent in Charge Hardrick Crawford.
FBI agents thought they had turned alleged drug kingpin Jose Maria Guardia into an informant, but Guardia was working as a double agent for the Mexican drug lords. He drew Crawford into a personal friendship, and provided a job for Crawford's wife, a country club membership for the couple and family trips to Las Vegas.
In August, after the chummy relationship became public, Crawford was convicted on federal charges of trying to conceal his friendship with Guardia. He could be sentenced to up to five years in prison and fined half a million dollars.
Drug rings once planted a mole in a federal agency, and officials worry others are lurking. The rings have entangled U.S. agents in sexual relationships. And they have amassed files on individual U.S. agents, with details about their finances, families and habits — even the kind of bicycles their kids ride.
"They hire guys to watch the narcotics agents," says Lee Morgan II, who retired as the head of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in Douglas, Ariz., this year. "They know what time we get up in the morning. When we go to work. What kind of car your wife drives.
"We had an informant tell us he saw a film of us as we exited our office that was being shown in Mexico. They had our license plate numbers."
The Mexican criminal networks can afford lavish payoffs. Bribery payments have topped $1 million.
Paul K. Charlton, U.S. attorney for Arizona since 2001, is convinced border corruption is worsening — and jeopardizing the trust that U.S. communities place in their government.
"The concern for me is that we can very quickly develop a culture that would be more accepting of that kind of misconduct," Charlton said. "You only have to look south of the border to see what happens when a certain level of corruption is accepted."
Officials warn that the risk of public corruption will grow as Congress and the Bush administration respond to public demands to improve border security. Customs and Border Protection, a part of the Department of Homeland Security, wants to add 10,000 employees to its workforce of 42,000, most of whom are already stationed along the Mexican border.
"If you increase the number of people on the border, you are going to get more corruption," said the FBI's Burrus.
More security, more corruption: Stepped-up border security also makes corruption all the more necessary to smugglers.
"As we tighten up on the border, it will make it harder for the traffickers to get across," said Johnny Sutton, U.S. attorney for Texas' Western District. "You have to be creative about getting your poison into the U.S. Obviously, corrupting the officials is a part of it."
Critics blame sloppy hiring practices, inadequate training and weak internal controls. Agents are vulnerable because morale in the agency is "pathetic," stemming in part from illegal immigrants' phony allegations against agents that have unfairly ruined careers, said T.J. Bonner, head of the union for Border Patrol agents.
Border Patrol Chief David V. Aguilar rejects those claims, saying morale is good thanks to more staffing and better equipment. Wages for public employees in the poor border economies are respectable; Border Patrol agents start at about $35,000 a year and can exceed $65,000 with overtime.
Aguilar said the Border Patrol had increased ethics training at its academy and set up anticorruption programs in the field, and he said it conducted new background checks on its agents every five years. "We are doing everything we can to root out these agents, these criminals, within our organization," Aguilar said.
But such efforts sometimes stand little chance against the greed of weak agents and the power of smugglers with money to spread around.
"They are going to try to find ways to breach our enforcement efforts," said Aguilar. "They will try to flank us, tunnel us, fly over and to corrupt our efforts."
While corruption is growing, the number of internal investigators overseeing a vastly expanding workforce is stagnant or even shrinking.
Aguilar, who must rely on other agencies to investigate the Border Patrol, has demanded more prompt and thorough investigations. Others complain that infighting within the Department of Homeland Security has hobbled enforcement.
(All the major border agencies are part of Homeland Security: Customs and Border Protection includes the Border Patrol, which polices the entire border except for ports of entry themselves, handled by Field Operations; Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, which handles major border-related investigations including corruption cases; and Citizenship and Immigration Services, which handles routine immigration matters.)
Michael Maxwell resigned this year as head of internal affairs for the Citizenship and Immigration Service after clashing repeatedly with Homeland Security over a shortage of resources. When he left, 3,000 allegations of misconduct, including 100 reports of bribery, were uninvestigated, he said.
"Nobody is seriously addressing corruption," Maxwell said. "The corruption is pervasive."
The Alvarez brothers: Though a tiny fraction of federal, state and local employees at the border have been corrupted, it takes only a few to help move large amounts of drugs or illegal immigrants.
Typical are the Alvarez brothers, Juan and Jose. Juan, a senior Border Patrol agent and canine handler at the station in Hebbronville, Texas, spearheaded an operation with his brother that allowed more than 30,000 kilos of marijuana into this country from 2003 to 2005. With Jose serving as an intermediary between his brother and a drug ring in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, the two netted $1.5 million in bribes. They bragged that they offered a "100% passage guarantee."
Their "green-light" tactics were so well developed that smugglers could have moved "nuclear weapons" over the border, said Asst. U.S. Atty. Marina Marmolejo.
She said in court that they had planned their operations down "to the very last minute," checking who was on border duty each day and what checkpoint surveillance equipment was in use, and making sure that agent Alvarez "was the only one out there manning traffic." It was, she said, "perfectly planned."
Until red flags started popping up. The brothers took trips to Las Vegas. A $20,000 cash deposit was made on a home. One brother bought a $2,500 Tag Heuer watch. A wife making $8 an hour suddenly opened a bank account with $7,000.
Juan was sentenced in February to 20 years in prison, Jose to 17. U.S. District Judge George Kazen was unmoved by their expressions of remorse. Across the Rio Grande, Kazen said, police corruption was destroying the local Mexican community, making it "not much better than Iraq." He warned that the U.S. side was becoming equally dangerous because of cops gone bad.
"You hate to see that cancer come here," he said.
Government help: The narcotics networks sometimes get direct help from local Mexican governments. Last year, federal prosecutors in Arizona charged Police Chief Ramon Robles-Cota of Sonoyta, Mexico, a small town near the Lukeville border crossing, with drug trafficking and bribery.
His swings into Arizona were chauffeured by one of his officers, Julio Cesar Lozano-Lopez, who admitted in federal court that he drove his chief into Arizona twice in 2005 to meet with Border Patrol agents and spread bribe money around. The chief remains free in Mexico.
In a 2005 wake-up call about the scope of border corruption, a major FBI-led sting in Arizona netted 71 guilty pleas by National Guard members, state prison guards and a federal inspector. Known as Operation Lively Green, the sting demonstrated that large numbers of government employees at the border were willing to take a bribe.
But nobody in government has measured all the criminal cases across every jurisdiction, agency and state.
The Times examined case files, public announcements and other public records dating to 2004 and interviewed officials in every U.S. attorney's district along the border as well as local and federal law enforcement agents and key county prosecutors.
Nearly half of the cases were associated with Lively Green and another major FBI sting in Arizona, code-named Double Driver, which caught 26 Arizona Department of Transportation clerks in 2004 who were issuing fraudulent driver's licenses.
Even excluding those stings, the number of indicted individuals still shows a steady growth: 17 in 2004, 35 in 2005 and 52 so far in 2006.
The longer-term trend also appears troubling. One of the few historical benchmarks is a General Accounting Office report on border corruption that counted all the cases of corrupt immigration, customs and Border Patrol agents during the mid-1990s.
The GAO identified 28 such cases in five years. The Times review of the same job categories turned up 38 cases in just the last three years.
Not just drugs: In the past, border corruption was mainly associated with narcotics. But increasingly, immigrant smugglers — who command huge fees from people trying to cross illegally into the U.S. — are also making payoffs.
The terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 called attention the risks posed by human smuggling: Though no terrorists are known to have slipped across the Mexican border yet, many law enforcement officials are deeply worried that corrupt inspectors might let it happen.
"Who's to say a potential terrorist can't get in that way?" asks Jack W. Hook, a special agent in charge of the Department of Homeland Security's inspector general's office in San Diego.
Mario Alvarez and Samuel McClaren, senior U.S. Border Patrol agents in El Centro, Calif., helped launch a program that jailed dozens of such human smugglers. In March, they were told to come to El Centro headquarters to receive an award. Instead, they were arrested in front of stunned fellow agents.
They eventually pleaded guilty to taking cash bribes to release immigrants from detention centers and then falsify reports that they had returned the individuals to Mexico. They were caught when another Border Patrol agent obtained a telephone call list from a captured smuggler and found their number on it.
For every criminal indictment, there are many more cases that never reach public attention.
ICE is investigating 2,097 criminal cases, the agency says, and operates a hotline that received 7,500 allegations of internal misconduct in fiscal year 2005.
Most corruption cases involve federal employees, but local officials, including police, are also on the take.
Jesus Lorenzo Meza was hired three years ago as a police officer in Edinburg, Texas, even though — unknown to the police chief — Meza and four of his brothers had been running an elaborate drug smuggling operation for years, according to an indictment. They used boats and other means to move more than 15,000 pounds of marijuana and 500 kilos of cocaine.
Federal agents, quietly tracking their movements, logged more than 2,000 telephone conversations. But the FBI and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration never told Police Chief Quirino Munoz about their ongoing probe or warned him against hiring Meza, the chief has complained.
The task of arresting Meza was left to his fellow officers, who confronted him in April at the end of his night shift at the jail, seized his badge and locked him in a cell. Now, the chief said, his 100 officers are demoralized. Meza awaits trial.
Criticism of screening: The escalating corruption among federal employees has drawn charges that Homeland Security's screening and training of new employees is sloppy.
Oscar Ortiz, praised in a job performance review as a "remarkable" Border Patrol agent, became a partner in a smuggling ring that trafficked dozens of illegal migrants through the rugged backcountry east of San Diego.
Ortiz turned out to be an illegal immigrant himself, and had been detained in 2001 on suspicion of smuggling illegal immigrants in his car.
Fernando Arango of Rio Rico, Ariz., was hired as a customs inspector even though he had fled a drug smuggling charge 15 years earlier. Last year, he was charged with taking $50,000 to wave through the border checkpoint a recreational vehicle that he believed contained 200 kilograms of cocaine.
Though federal officials voice outrage over corruption, a sharp debate exists below the surface over whether resources are sufficient to combat the problem.
Some trace the problem to the merger of several agencies to create Homeland Security. Before the merger, the Customs Service alone had about 180 internal investigators for its 22,000 employees, said former Customs Commissioner Robert Bonner.
They were reorganized into ICE, which now has 160 investigators to oversee about 72,000 employees across three border-related agencies.
"It diminished our ability to be as vigilant and on top of the corruption issue as we were in the past," said Bonner, who fought to keep internal investigators in the new agency. "The whole thing became more fragmented."
The FBI is rushing more agents to the border to address the problem, said Burrus, the assistant director. In most of its field offices, the FBI allocates 20% of its agents to public corruption cases. Along the border, it is 40% to 60%. In recent years, it has boosted public-corruption staffing by a third.
"We are doing the best we can with the resources we have," Burrus said. "There will never be enough resources."
Even the most ambitious review of job applicants won't necessarily ferret out all of the problems. Many convicted agents have said financial pressures and other personal dilemmas drove them to cross the line. Smugglers often know how to push the right button.
A Border Patrol agent, part of a narcotics and immigrant network in El Paso, explained to a judge last year how smugglers sought to recruit him.
Agent Aldo Erives said the drug dealers knew that he hitchhiked to his classes at a local college.
"Come on," he said they told him, "you can buy a car if you pass a load through the checkpoint."
In the dryer: Sometimes, federal agents initiate the corruption.
In El Paso, Santiago Efrain, an ICE agent assigned to help guard a detention center, allegedly told the lawyer for a jailed Mexican smuggling suspect that for $20,000 he could get the charges dropped and the suspect safely back to Mexico. Efrain allegedly said he normally charged $30,000 for this kind of favor but was willing to cut a deal.
The Mexican lawyer alerted U.S. authorities, who sent an undercover agent to meet with Efrain at the local Starbucks. Efrain, wearing his duty uniform, allegedly accepted the $20,000 and was promptly arrested. He is awaiting trial.
Also yet to go to trial is David Duque Jr., a Border Patrol agent in Falfurrias, Texas, north of McAllen. He is charged with bribery for allegedly advising a government informant how to package cocaine in order to get it past the police dogs at the border checkpoints. He asked for $2,500 for every kilogram of cocaine that got through, authorities say.
According to the indictment, Duque instructed that payment should be left in his clothes dryer.
"Law enforcement officials have confirmed that Duque has a dryer located outside his residence on the porch," the indictment duly noted.
* Begin text of infobox
In his own words
Julio Alfonso Lopez, 45, former deputy commander of the Laredo Multi-Agency Narcotics Task Force, described to FBI agents in an April 18 affidavit how he was paid off.
"The first time Kiko asked me to tell him where the task force guys were located was in July 2005. I was paid more than $1,000 for not trying to arrest the traffickers."
* "The second time … I told Kiko that the area was clear of any task force officers. I was paid more than $1,000 for not trying to arrest or investigate … or seize the cocaine. Cocaine was coming through Zapata."
* "The third time Kiko asked for information, I told him that all task force officers were clear of the area. I knew there was at least 20 kilograms of cocaine coming through Zapata. … I met Kiko at the Red Lobster and he gave me at least $3,000."
* "The fourth time Kiko said that he had a storage unit that he was going to use to store the cocaine. I did not look for the cocaine, investigate the traffickers or try to arrest them…. I met Kiko at the Pep Boys and he gave me at least $3,000."
* "In December 2005 I met the traffickers at the Red Lobster in an attempt to gain their confidence after Kiko told me they wanted to move 200 kilograms of cocaine. … I wanted the traffickers to keep working with me and Kiko. I knew that I could make a lot of money. I have been using cocaine for approximately one year and Kiko supplies me the cocaine."
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http://www.mercurynews.com/mld/mercurynews/living/health/15821762.htm
Sun, Oct. 22, 2006
Protest accuses DA of labeling Latinos as gang members
By Julie Sevrens Lyons / Mercury News
Email= jlyons@mercurynews.com or (408) 920-5989.
Carrying signs that read ``Where we live, what we look like, does NOT make us gang members,'' a group of about 60 Latinos protested in San Jose on Saturday against what they call discrimination and injustice in the county's district attorney's office.
Marching from the Hall of Justice to City Hall two miles away, the protesters hoped to call attention to what they charge has been the inaccurate and irresponsible labeling of many Latino suspects as gang members -- which can make them eligible for more stringent penalties if found guilty of certain crimes. The group pledged to step up their efforts, planning e-mail campaigns and voluntary walkouts at San Jose high schools until elected officials begin to consider their complaints.
``We're not going to take it any more,'' said Rebecca Rivera, the protest's organizer. ``Why aren't they charging rapists and child molesters with the same vigor they're following young Hispanic men?''
At issue is the county's use of the decades-old California Street Terrorism Enforcement and Prevention Act, which enhances penalties for gang-related crimes.
Rivera's son, Joshua Herrera, is currently serving a life sentence for a residential burglary, in which prosecutors said he was the getaway driver. Rivera and the district attorney's office agree he never entered the home where the incident took place. But Rivera questions why her son should have received such a tough sentence, considering he was going to college and had what she calls a clean record. And no one was killed in the 2003 event.
Assistant District Attorney David Tomkins, who supervises the agency's homicide and gang units, said his office doesn't target Hispanics or other ethnic groups. But when there is very strong evidence that defendants participate in gangs -- or associate with those who do -- Tomkins said his office pursues gang enhancement charges, which can greatly increase sentences.
``I can understand them saying the law's harsh, and their sons and relatives received a harsh sentence the California law requires. I can't say I disagree with that,'' Tomkins said. However, ``the people of California decided they wanted harsh penalties for gang-related crimes,'' and in 1988 the Legislature approved longer sentences for gang members. ``We're just an instrument of that.''
But many of those in Saturday's march allege the district attorney's office is more likely to pursue gang enhancement charges against Latino defendants than members of other ethnic groups.
They point to one case in which several Asian-American defendants and suspected gang members received relatively light sentences for their participation in a homicide of a Latino, because the district attorney's office decided not to add gang enhancements.
When asked about that case, Tomkins said there wasn't enough evidence to prove the defendants were in a gang.
``It's not fair,'' said Irene Duran, one of the protest participants, whose son, Alex Samaro, is currently awaiting sentencing on a home invasion robbery. He had been getting rid of his tattoos and was attending college and moving on with his life, Duran said. Now he'll likely spend the rest of his life behind bars. She thinks the district attorney's office is quick to label any Latino suspects as gang members.
Saturday's peaceful protest, which included toddlers being pushed in strollers and the weepy mothers of some criminal defendants, drew honks from passing cars and cheers from some pedestrians. But it went largely unnoticed by city officials, taking place on a day when the City Hall was a virtual ghost town.
Saying she wasn't familiar with the protesters, their march, or their specific allegations, Superior Court Judge Dolores Carr agreed it is important to ensure that ethnic groups are not unfairly targeted by prosecutors.
``We have to make sure we protect the public and do it in a fair way with an eye to justice,'' said Carr, who is running for Santa Clara County district attorney. Still, she said, the justice system shouldn't go soft on gang members. ``I think gangs are a problem all throughout California,'' Carr said. ``It's important we work hard to make sure our families are protected against gangs.''
The other candidate for district attorney, Karyn Sinunu, attended an event in Palo Alto on Saturday and could not be reached for comment.
Tomkins said he could understand their anger and frustration.
``I do agree with these people,'' he said. ``I don't think the law is unfair, but I agree it is harsh. Based on some of the gang crimes we've seen in the state, voters thought harsh penalties for gang crimes were needed as a deterrent.''
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http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/news/articles/1022immigrationtalk23.html
Oct. 22, 2006 11:51 PM
Language used to sway voters in immigration debate
Yvonne Wingett / The Arizona Republic
Email= yvonne.wingett@arizonarepublic.com or (602) 444-4712.
Inside the hostile debate surrounding illegal immigration rages a powerful war of words each side uses as weapons to gain the upper hand. The battle has helped shape the way voters view the complex issue and the estimated 12 million undocumented immigrants who live in the United States. Each side uses language to leverage control of the debate, which is as much about semantics as substance.
Comments made last month by a state lawmaker, and the public's reaction, highlighted the impact that language has on the controversy and public psyche.
Terms and phrases such as "aliens," "path to citizenship" and "amnesty" are used by politicians and advocates on both sides of the illegal-immigration debate to evoke emotions and images that affect the way the public feels about the issue, linguistic experts say.
"Every word comes with ideas, and words have meanings, and the meanings have what are called frames, or mental structures," said George Lakoff, professor of cognitive science and linguistics at the University of California-Berkeley.
"Those mental structures define problems, limit possible solutions. They can create a view of reality that isn't real, or they can focus on views of reality that are real. They can tell truths, or they can lie. When you hear the words over and over, the ideas become part of your brain. What becomes part of your brain becomes common sense."
Language is an important part of any political debate, linguists say, and helps determine how any issue plays politically. Illegal immigration dominates as this season's hot-button issue, and the terminologies used on talk-radio shows and on election-season TV ads make it tough for people to sift through the rhetoric.
Emotionally charged: In Arizona, illegal immigration is dinner-table talk. It splits families and friends, and it touches almost every aspect of our lives, from jobs to health care, from public safety to education. As the number of immigrants in the U.S. illegally has risen, so too has the tone of the debate.
The tipping point came last month, when Rep. Russell Pearce, R-Mesa, suggested that "Operation Wetback," a 1950s mass-deportation program, be reinstated to help combat illegal immigration.
The term "wetback" is offensive to Latinos and is typically used to refer to a person who is an undocumented immigrant who is still wet from crossing the Rio Grande, which forms the border between Texas and Mexico. Pearce's use of the word and suggestion that the program be reinstated insulted minority, religious and community leaders who called for lawmakers to reject such divisive language.
"Language is not just about what is said, but understanding how words are viewed by others," Gary Kinnaman, a senior pastor at Word of Grace Church in Mesa, said after a news conference denouncing Pearce's remarks. "This is an emotionally charged issue . . . so I will guard my language."
In response, Pearce and his supporters said the comments were taken out of context and his opponents were taking political correctness to the extreme. Pearce did not return calls for comment.
In previous Republic interviews on the issue, Pearce defended his comments and said he would not "rewrite history to make the silly leftists feel good," and that he didn't "care to be politically correct. I want to do what's right for America," he said.
Evocative words: One side sees illegal immigration as a law and order issue and tends to characterize the debate with words such as "aliens," "amnesty," "invasion," and "anchor babies." The other side sees it as an economic issue of supply and demand, and tends to use phrases such as "earned legalization," the "American Dream," and "unauthorized workers."
Linguists said the terms and euphemisms used by both sides evoke distinctly different emotions and subconscious images. For example, when used as a noun, the term "illegals," implies that the entire person is inherently bad or criminal, not just the act. The word "aliens" could frame the people who are crossing the border as little green men from another planet.
Phrases such as "undocumented immigrants," "undocumented workers," or "unauthorized immigrants," seem less accusatory, and more compassionate, linguists said.
Representatives with immigration-control organizations, though, say those terms unfairly soften the debate.
"The term alien, far from being pejorative, is one that applies to you and me the minute we step out of U.S. soil," said John Keeley, director of communications for the Center for Immigration Studies in Washington, D.C. "To substitute it with 'undocumented,' they're trying to launder the status of illegality."
Immigrant advocacy groups, however, disagree.
"We often say that the term 'illegal' is dehumanizing," said Brent Wilkes, national executive director of Washington-based League of United Latin American Citizens. "People commit illegal acts, or engage in illegal behavior . . . but the whole person is not illegal."Most of the time, entering the country illegally is considered a civil infraction typically handled by immigration proceedings.
The term "amnesty," gives the impression that Americans are a benevolent power, linguists said, and that on a certain day, millions of undocumented immigrants will be pardoned by a supreme moral authority.
On the flip side, the phrases "earned legalization," and "path to citizenship" portray the idea that with self-discipline and hard work, immigrants will be rewarded with citizenship.
Making sense of the issue
"Anchor babies," is used to describe children born in the U.S. to undocumented immigrants, who under the interpretation of the law, would qualify for citizenship, and then become anchors for other family members to enter the country.
The phrase the "American Dream," meanwhile, evokes emotions of patriotism, and images of hard workers, opportunity and economic success.
The terms make it difficult for people like Raquel Gutiérrez of Tempe to make sense of the issue.
"Language generates reality," said Gutiérrez, 40, a leadership development doctoral student.
"And so the kind of language that's used is really important in framing any kind of conversation. Especially one that deals with so many people's lives. I'm not calling for neutrality, because I don't think any word is neutral. But I think we could use words that are a bit less destructive."
On the other hand, Elizabeth Rye of Phoenix said people have "just gone crazy," with political correctness. "I don't think anybody wants to hurt people's feelings," said Rye, 61, a retired human services worker. "We're just sick and tired of being overrun. I prefer to call somebody who's here in this country illegally 'illegal.' I think amnesty by any other name is still amnesty."
Staff reporter Amanda J. Crawford contributed to this article.
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http://www.heraldtribune.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20061022/NEWS/610220314
Latinos slow to get into voting
By CHRISTINA E. SANCHEZ
Email= christina.sanchez@heraldtribune.com
When Brenda Luna watched her father vote in the 2000 presidential election, she dreamed of getting her U.S. citizenship by her 18th birthday so she could vote, too. Luna, who came to United States from Mexico at age 5, got her citizenship in 2001, a year before she would be of voting age. She has voted in every election since then. But Luna is an exception among Latinos when it comes to voting.
Southwest Florida's Latino population has grown by 50 percent in the past five years, but those numbers are not reflected in the number of Hispanics who register to vote or go to the polls.
That is why Luna spent Saturday at the University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee Campus, helping local Latino leaders and business owners educate the Latino community about the voting process and local election issues. About 50 area residents turned out for the event. Luna, who works for the Sarasota County Supervisor of Elections, answered questions about voter registration and the county's touch-screen voting machines.
But getting more Latinos to vote won't be easy, said one political science professor.
"Since the immigration debate has come to the forefront, many might think that there would be a big boost in the Hispanic vote or turnout at the polls," said Frank Alcock, an assistant professor in political science at New College of Florida in Sarasota. "But there are a few things I see that point me in the other direction."
A number of Latinos are not eligible to vote because they are too young or because they are not U.S. citizens, Alcock said.
Vicente Medina, of the Gulf Coast Latin Chamber of Commerce, points out that many eligible Latinos do not understand American politics. And sometimes they are turned off to the voting process because candidates tend to ignore issues important to Latinos, including wages, affordable housing and indigent health care, Medina said. Medina organized Saturday's event as a first step toward encouraging more Latinos to vote and, perhaps, hold a local political office.
Candidates who attended included Republican Laura Benson and Democrat Keith Fitzgerald, rivals in the bid for a state Legislature seat. Representatives for candidates David Shapiro, Jim Davis and David Nelson also were on hand.
"In the Sarasota-Manatee area there are 65,000 Hispanics. Less than 10,000 are registered to vote, and less than 5,000 actively vote in our area. We are concerned that more are not involved," Medina said.
Despite a few unsuccessful attempts by local Latino leaders to run for office, Hispanics have little if any voice in the local political arena. At the state level, there is Republican U.S. Sen. Mel Martinez.
Bradenton-based lawyer C.J. Czaia ran for state Senate in 2002 and U.S. Congress in 2004, and lost both times. Now, he serves as chairman of the Democratic Party of Manatee County.
Czaia has a radio show from 6 to 7 p.m. on Sundays on 1490 AM that he uses as a platform to educate local Latinos in Spanish on the issues and political process, which may be different in their native countries.
"When they come here, they don't know the difference between Republicans and Democrats and what each party stands for," Czaia said.
Luz Corcuera, chairwoman of the Latino Community Network of Manatee County, sees the children of Latinos as the best hope for increasing voter participation.
Because the Latino population is a young demographic, local leaders anticipate a sharp rise in Latino voting in the coming years.
"Today, many Latinos may not vote, but their children for sure are going to be voting in the next four years," said Corcuera.
Luna, the Sarasota County elections employee, is the beginning of that generation's coming of age. And Luna values every vote she has been able to cast in the past four years since she turned 18.
"Not enough people take advantage of voting," she said. "There are a lot of people who are not citizens and would love to be able to vote. I take advantage of that right."
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http://www.sacbee.com/328/story/41532.html
Thursday, October 19, 2006
Macarena Hernandez: Will Latinos speak up?
By Macarena Hernandez -
Six months ago, millions of Latinos took to the streets across the nation to show strength in numbers. With Election Day less than three weeks away, however, will that muscle be flexed where it really matters? Will Latinos vote as vowed?
I'm not so sure -- at least for this election. But I prefer to think of Latino voter mobilization as a marathon, not a sprint, and the energy of those marches is definitely fueling something in our vast and diverse community.
We may not yet have a grand new bloc of registered voters, but there are signs that the springtime protests have raised political awareness. In the subsequent months, voter-registration volunteers have fanned out across America, setting up shop at malls and restaurants, and knocking on doors in places that are experiencing new influxes of Latinos -- small Southern towns and states like Utah and Pennsylvania. The political message: Your voto is your voice.
In junior and senior high school classrooms across the country, where thousands of young Latino students walked out to march, the demonstrations spurred discussions -- those precious teachable moments that help kids connect the dots. Now, whenever I speak to Latino students, I can tell they get it: You can't change things unless you vote.
Recent history has also shown that when they're fired up, Latinos do mobilize -- just not at warp speed.
Remember former California Gov. Pete Wilson? In 1994, the Republican powered his successful re-election campaign with Proposition 187, a package of measures denying social services, health care and public education to undocumented immigrants.
Proposition 187 was ruled unconstitutional, and a few elections cycles later, new voters helped turn the Legislature over to the Democrats.
Just last year, Los Angeles elected Antonio Villaraigosa, its first Latino mayor since 1872.
Outside California, Wilson's noxious rhetoric -- eerily echoed now by GOP House members -- caused a ripple effect among millions of permanent Latino residents. Within a six-year period, 6 million people applied for American citizenship, nearly half of them Latino. National momentum has been building ever since. Between the 2000 and 2004 elections, Latino turnout increased by 1.6 million.
It's true that Latinos have a reputation for below-average turnout, but I don't believe it's all about apathy. Just consider the numbers: Of the 42 million Latinos residing in the United States, one-third are under 18 and at least a fourth are not citizens. That young population, newly sensitized by this year's political events, is poised to begin affecting the ballot box in 2008. Considering that Latinos make up half of the recent growth in the country's population, we're looking at a boom in the number of new eligible voters in many election cycles to come.
Another voting gold mine: legal permanent residents, 9.4 million foreign-born residents, who are a mere application away from full citizenship.
Many come from countries where voting is useless, so bringing them into our electorate is a matter of educating them and encouraging them to participate in this country's political process.
In the Dallas area, where one of the largest spring marches was held, there's already evidence that the protests have made a tangible impact. According to the U.S. Citizen and Immigration Services office, there's been a surge of applicants in the Dallas District Office. Last year, between February and August, more than 9,000 permanent residents applied for citizenship.
During that same period this year, more than 11,000 have applied -- an increase of almost 20 percent. Nationwide, there were more than 94,000 applications this year compared to 2005.
"At least a good portion of the increase is due to rumblings of some type of immigration legislation," said USCIS regional communications manager Maria Elena Garcia-Upson of the Dallas office.
Latinos, who overwhelmingly agree on key issues such as education, already have the power to swing an election, especially tight races or ones that have low turnouts in general.
No doubt the spring marches will go down in history. But the protest from now on must take place in the voting booth.
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http://www.somosprimos.com/sp2006/spoct06/spoct06.htm
Somos Primos Newsletter= October 2006 / Editor: Mimi Lozano
Dedicated to Hispanic Heritage and Diversity Issues
Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research
Celebrating 20th Anniversary 1986-2006
Podhi Yahoo Group=
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/podhi/
Main Group located at=
http://NuestraFamiliaUnida.com
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Liberation Now!!!
Peter S. Lopez ~aka Peta de Aztlan
Email= sacranative@yahoo.com
Sacramento, California, Amerika
Key Web Links=
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¨ http://www.laprensa-sandiego.org/
¨ http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/home.html
¨ http://www.mylatinonews.com/
¨ http://www.vidaenelvalle.com/front/v-english/
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Be for real! Love La Raza Cosmca! Venceremos!