Saturday, March 14, 2009

At the Border Between Politics and Thrills: NY Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/15/movies/15denn.html
 
March 15, 2009
Film

At the Border Between Politics and Thrills

THE current crop of American films dealing with immigration is as varied as the immigrant experience itself: an ensemble melodrama about illegal aliens in Los Angeles (the recent "Crossing Over"), a quiet story of a Dominican baseball player in the minor leagues in Iowa (next month's "Sugar"). But there are a pair that could be considered movies without borders. Both are Spanish-language features shot in Mexico by first-time American directors, and both are ambitious hybrids: socially conscious films in the form of brash genre entertainments.


Cary Fukunaga's "Sin Nombre," which had its premiere at the Sundance Film Festival in January and opens on Friday, combines elements of a chase movie, a gangster flick and a tragic western with the specific plight of Central American immigrants making their way across the Mexican countryside toward the United States border. Alex Rivera's "Sleep Dealer" (April 17), which was shown at Sundance last year, is a science fiction parable set in a near-future Mexico, where concepts of migration and labor mobility are reinvented by cutting-edge technology.


Mr. Fukunaga's film was indirectly inspired by the nation's deadliest human trafficking case, which left 19 immigrants dead after they were abandoned in a sealed trailer in South Texas in 2003. He was a graduate film student at New York University at the time. Driven to visualize the horror of the incident — to "imagine what it was like in that trailer," he said — he made a 13-minute film, "Victoria Para Chino," which won a prize at Sundance and a Student Academy Award.


In researching his short Mr. Fukunaga, a California native of Japanese and Swedish descent, acquired a more expansive picture of migrant flows to the United States. "The way I'd viewed immigration was strictly from the U.S.-Mexican border, and I'd never considered what it could be like from farther away," he said. He learned of Central Americans who made the perilous trip north across multiple borders, riding freight trains through Mexico, and realized that this arduous journey could be a compelling backbone for a feature film.


He traveled repeatedly to Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. His first trip was to Chiapas, the southernmost state in Mexico, which shares a border with Guatemala. With the help of a friend's father, a journalist in Mexico, he contacted border police officers and social workers, who in turn put him in touch with gang members, both in prison and on the streets, who had a hand in immigrant smuggling. He visited the train yards where immigrants would gather, waiting to hop the freights at night, and the shelters that housed those who were injured on the journey.


And from almost everyone he talked to, he said, he heard "horrific stories" of exploitation, corruption and brutality. "There's a lot of violence without consequence," he said. "People can just do things, and no one will ever hear about it."


Not content with his interviews Mr. Fukunaga decided to ride the trains himself, partly to help allay his queasiness about potential exploitation. "I was making a film about people's misery," he said. "I didn't want to talk about things I didn't know firsthand."


Disregarding the warnings of the friends who had accompanied him, he boarded a northbound train packed with immigrants in the Mexican town of Tapachula. A few hours into the journey gunshots rang out in the next car, along with shouts of "bandilla" (bandit). The next morning he discovered that a young Guatemalan had been shot for refusing to turn over his money.


He rode all the way to the Oaxacan border, and on return visits to Mexico made two more trips, each time picking up where he had left off. When he told his traveling companions he was preparing to make a movie, he said, "they thought I was crazy." But a camaraderie would develop nonetheless: "There was a real sense of protecting each other."


Mr. Fukunaga takes pride that "Sin Nombre," which won the directing and cinematography prizes at Sundance, is rooted in thoroughly researched particulars, many of which will be evident only to Spanish-speaking viewers. He was careful to get regional accents right and to use the specific argot of the gang members, whom he grilled about their familial dynamics, a line of questioning that he said annoyed some of them: "The guys were like, 'Enough of this "Who buys the toilet paper?" I want to tell you how we chop up bodies.' "


To the extent that "Sin Nombre" has a message, Mr. Fukunaga said, he hopes it is an "anti-isolationist" one. "Americans think we're so far away from the world," he said. "But this is a North American story. It's not so exotic. And it obviously has an impact here every day. Look right there" — he pointed to the open kitchen of the Manhattan restaurant where the interview was being conducted, staffed mainly by Latino workers — "that's where it's happening."


With "Sleep Dealer" Mr. Rivera also wanted to reflect the daily realities of a shrinking world, but he chose to do so by way of what he called "third world cyberpunk." While he has long been a sci-fi fan, he saw what he called "a black hole, a vacuum" in the genre's typical locations and perspectives.

"Science fiction in the past has always looked at Los Angeles, New York, London, Tokyo," he said in a recent telephone interview. "We've never seen São Paulo, or Jakarta, or Mexico City. We've never seen the future of the rest of the world, which happens to be where the majority of humanity lives."


"Sleep Dealer," which won the screenwriting award at Sundance last year (the script is by Mr. Rivera and David Riker) as well as the festival's Alfred P. Sloan Prize for the best film dealing with science or technology, envisions a future in which would-be immigrants remain south of the border and use network-connected robots to beam in their services.


"Their labor comes without their body," Mr. Rivera said. "The idea struck me as a reflection on outsourcing, a reflection on the position that immigrants have in this country today, where they're made invisible from the political system."


Mr. Rivera, who studied political theory at Hampshire College, has been active in immigrant rights groups over the years. His father came to the United States from Peru, and many members of his extended family are immigrants.


"Sleep Dealer" is his first feature, but he has been making experimental shorts and documentaries since the 1990s. His previous film, a 2003 documentary for PBS called "The Sixth Section," was about a community of migrants in upstate New York rebuilding their village in Puebla, Mexico, from afar — a real-life microcosm of the world of "Sleep Dealer," in which people are, as Mr. Rivera put it, "connected by technology but divided by borders."

"Sleep Dealer" taps into the cultural and economic fears that have come with a globalized planet. "If you look at 'Blade Runner' or 'I, Robot,' the drama comes from the idea that the robots will wake up and want to kill the people," Mr. Rivera said. "In my film people use machines to exploit each other. The robot doesn't want to kill you. The robot wants to take your job."


Like Mr. Fukunaga, Mr. Rivera was looking less to advance a political message than to foster a general open-mindedness. For all its newfangled trappings "Sleep Dealer" reasserts a narrative as old as this country.

"I believe the American story is that this is a nation of immigrants," Mr. Rivera said. "That's more powerful than the story that people who come here are threats."

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Thursday, March 12, 2009

COMMENTARY:Navarrette: What America is becoming + Comment

http://www.statesman.com/opinion/content/editorial/stories/03/12/0312navarrette_edit.html

COMMENTARY:Navarrette: What America is becoming
Ruben Navarrette Jr., THE SAN DIEGO UNION-TRIBUNE

Email: ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com
Thursday, March 12, 2009

Laura Gomez has a funny, and yet terribly perceptive, term to describe the sort of racial holding pattern in which America's largest minority finds itself.

"Latinos have been in this limbo between white and nonwhite — or what I call 'off-white' — for more than 165 years," Gomez told me. Off-white works for me.


Gomez, a professor of law and American studies at the University of New Mexico, might be onto something here. Latinos are neither black nor white, and yet there are black Latinos and white Latinos. There is no Latino race, yet what many Latinos were subjected to in the 20th century — including being barred from hotels, restaurants, and public swimming pools — and continue to be subjected to today in subtler forms would have to be called racism. Still, in America's great racial debate, Latinos have been consigned to the sidelines.


There is a lot that Gomez, who holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Stanford, could teach Attorney General Eric Holder. The attorney general isn't a sociologist, but he played one during Black History Month. Spelling out how far we still have to go to achieve racial nirvana, Holder called the United States "a nation of cowards" who are reluctant to talk about race.


President Barack Obama recently critiqued the nation's top law enforcement officer for his choice of words.


"I think it's fair to say that if I had been advising my attorney general, we would have used different language," Obama told a reporter. "I think the point that he was making is that we're oftentimes uncomfortable with talking about race until there's some sort of racial flare-up or conflict."


As an Obama supporter, Gomez didn't have a problem with the main thrust of Holder's comments. What bothered her was that his narrative was so incomplete as to be irrelevant.


"Holder's speech is very much in black-and-white terms," she said. "Almost everywhere he mentions specifics, he's talking about blacks and whites."


Like when Holder said: "The study of black history is important to everyone — black or white," or when he rattled off a list of African American civil rights figures as "people to whom all of us, black and white, owe such a debt of gratitude."


It wasn't exactly the inclusive and multiracial tone that Obama struck in his poetic speech on race in Philadelphia during the presidential campaign.


Gomez understands the context of Holder's remarks.


"Granted, this (was) Black History Month," she said, "and there's an important reason to talk in those terms ... but I think it does raise a question: Where are Latinos in this?"

For Gomez, it's a familiar story.


"We're presumed invisible from the racial past of the United States," she said.

Gomez mined that past in her book, "Manifest Destinies: The Making of the Mexican American Race," which traces the origins of Mexican-Americans as a racial group in this country.


Today, stuck somewhere in between whites and nonwhites, Latinos are often ignored — in entertainment, politics, media, business, etc. Television networks will do a series on race or ethnicity in America, and still sketch out the storyboard in black and white. When Latinos are noticed, they're usually a footnote, an afterthought, or an accessory — as when a well-meaning politician is talking about race relations, equal opportunity or civil rights, and mentions "blacks and whites ... and browns."


Another concern for Gomez is that, even when other Americans do see Latinos, a lot of people aren't always sure what they're seeing. Consider the immigration debate.


"There's this almost hyper-visibility of Latinos," she said. "But it's a narrow and often wrong kind of hyper-visibility because it is the 'illegal alien.' Every Latino is presumed to be an immigrant and secondly to be an undocumented Mexican."


Ah yes. There is nothing like people whose ancestors have been here for six generations being told to "go back to Mexico" by those whose ancestors are relative newcomers.

Granted, it's not easy to turn a blind eye to an ethnic group that, according to Census estimates, could represent one in four Americans by the year 2030. But some people — like our attorney general — manage to pull it off.


And in doing so, they describe America as it used to be, not what it is, let alone what it is becoming.

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Comment: It is hard to hide a 500-pound brown gorilla in the room of racial politics inside the United States. Latinos/as are the huge racial group that is usually invisible and kept invisible by the corporate controlled media still control-freaked by many people with a subconscious racist mentality. Americans can see the major impact that Black African-Americans have had on the whole country, especially since President Obama's election into the Presidency. Some racists may think, "Oh oh... here comes the Mexicans now!"

Historians should note that as a rule Mexicans and Mexican-Americans (Chicanos, Latinos etc.) have not conducted major 'race riots', but there have been bloody attempts at all out revolution! Amerikans tend to have a black-white mind-set that is not inclusive of Latinos and let us not forget the original indigenous peoples of these lands who did suffer from true genocide!!!!!

Surely Latinos need to get politically organized towards the creation of a strong Latino Liberation Movement that is connected up in working alliances with others groups who seek democracy, justice and liberation from oppression. Mexicans are smart and do not even want the racial stigma that black-skinned African-Americans have been subjected to over the centuries. We need to be all inclusive, multi-racial and comprehend the multi-dimensional objective facts of connected reality.

Latinos are a complex multi-faceted people who are not a singular group of people but are a colorful collage of different kinds of people with diverse specific historical-cultural  backgrounds. We cannot be put into one bag for easy analysis.

The term 'La Raza Cosmica' comes close to a general label but there will always be a vaqueness in any label for those who we can loosely label as Latinos. How many pure blood Native Americans are there? We should know that many Mexicans are actually Mestizos of indigenous origins.

The fact remains that we are human beings with basic human survival needs that need to be met in terms of food, clothing, shelter, medical care and basic education (including widespread literacy programs). We struggle daily to meet our basic survival needs in these troubled economic times.

We should unite together on the basis of our basic humaneness as human beings and not let racial-ethnic labels keep us divided from the masses of the people in Latin America, Africa and Asia!
 

Education for Liberation! Join Up!
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Wednesday, March 11, 2009

Immigration rights advocates focus on families: LA Times

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-immigration10-2009mar10,0,5584554.story

Erik S. Lesser / Chicago Tribune
At an evangelical church in Norcross, Ga., last month, the audience heard from children affected by the crackdown on illegal immigration. Organizers are planning a rally in Washington to pressure President Obama to prioritize comprehensive immigration reform.

Immigration rights advocates focus on families

Immigration crackdown
Erik S. Lesser / Chicago Tribune
At an evangelical church in Norcross, Ga., last month, the audience heard from children affected by the crackdown on illegal immigration. Organizers are planning a rally in Washington to pressure President Obama to prioritize comprehensive immigration reform.
Children left behind by deported parents have become the new face of the campaign. Borrowing a page from the civil rights movement, supporters have taken their cause to churches.
By Dahleen Glanton
dglanton@tribune.com


March 10, 2009
Reporting from Norcross, Ga. -- On a recent afternoon, 15-year-old Marlon Parras stood on stage in front of 3,000 people and talked about the hardships he and his 13-year-old sister have faced since their parents were deported to Guatemala.

He wept as he spoke of his parents' decision to leave them, both American citizens, with relatives and church members so they could continue their education in suburban Atlanta.

 
"This is not a family," Marlon told the crowd. "This is not fair."

Two years after an overhaul of the nation's immigration laws failed in Congress, Latino leaders have revitalized the effort -- positioning children who were left behind when their parents were deported as the new face of the movement. The campaign is designed to pressure President Obama to make comprehensive immigration reform a priority.

Borrowing a page from the civil rights movement of the 1960s, supporters of immigration rights have taken their cause to churches, drawing upon the growing population of evangelical Latinos, who are strong advocates of family values. Nearly 1 in 6 Latinos in the U.S. identify themselves as evangelicals, according to the Pew Hispanic Center. Only Roman Catholics make up a larger group.

"We want to make sure President Barack Obama understands that while [the economy] . . . needs his attention, we want him to keep his promise to address comprehensive immigration reform during the first year of his first term," said Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez (D-Ill.), who has organized rallies in 17 cities. "Our families are the cornerstone of our society, and we want to protect those families."

The mostly Latino audience that packed the large evangelical church in Norcross prayed, sang spirituals and heard from families -- including the Parrases -- that have been torn apart.

Their stories are designed to focus attention on what community leaders said was the most tragic consequence of the crackdown on illegal immigration: the breakup of families. It is a problem that Latino leaders have said affects up to 5 million children, most of whom were born in the U.S. and therefore are citizens.

During tough economic times, it may be difficult to gain public support for legislation that could provide legal citizenship to millions of undocumented immigrants.

Still, Gutierrez -- who shared the church stage with Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), a civil rights icon -- brought the effort deep into conservative territory, where many support plans to secure the borders rather than grant widespread citizenship. Georgia has one of the fastest-growing illegal immigrant populations in the nation, rising to about 490,000 in 2008 from 228,000 in 2000, according to state estimates.

But Latino leaders are hoping that concern and empathy for broken families will galvanize their community and draw the support of others. Organizers are gathering thousands of petitions and plan a rally in Washington in July.

"When you have a 15-year-old American citizen speak very emotionally and eloquently about his pain, most Americans will say, 'We didn't know the system was that broken,' " said Gutierrez, chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus' immigration task force. "Americans do support the basic premise that children should not be held accountable for the actions of adults."

Latinos turned out 2 to 1 for Obama over Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) in the 2008 presidential election, and helped him capture key battleground states such as New Mexico, Nevada, Colorado and Florida. Now they want him to honor his campaign promise.

"We understand that Mr. Obama is in a difficult position," said the Rev. Miguel Rivera, president of the National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Christian Leaders, which represents 20,000 churches in 34 states. "Latinos supported him because they were extremely disappointed with Republicans and the ultra-conservative right wing evangelical movement. So it is important that he make immigration reform a priority."

Michael Franc, vice president for government relations for the conservative Heritage Foundation, said overhauling immigration laws was a divisive subject among Democrats as well as Republicans.

"They hate it. It's radioactive on both sides of the aisle," Franc said. "There was a schism on the Democratic side during the last immigration debate, but because the Republicans were so vocal in their opposition, no one noticed the Democrats' reluctance."

When people are out of work and struggling to keep their families together, there is less sympathy for illegal immigrants, he said. A tight job market and the competition for jobs provided in the federal stimulus package also could influence public perceptions about immigration.

"If you are trying to reach out to newer audiences and expand the pro-immigration reform level of support, it is easier to feel sympathy for the horror stories coming into your living room on your TV screen when things are going well for everybody," Franc said. "If you have a job, the story of those kids pulls on your heartstrings, but it is perceived differently when you are wondering how you are going to pay your bills because the economy is tanking."

Still, Latino leaders are highlighting the stories of people like Tanyia Lopez, 12, whose mother was deported to Honduras last year, leaving her and her four younger siblings, including a chronically ill 2-year-old. Their 16-year-old aunt dropped out of high school to care for them full time. They recently faced eviction because their grandmother lost her job. They have depended on their church for survival.

"The little ones don't understand what happened to our mom," Tanyia said, adding that they have no money to join her in Honduras. "We all miss her and we want to be together."



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Sunday, March 08, 2009

Educating Latinos: www.impre.com

http://www.impre.com/laopinion/opinion/2009/3/6/educating-latinos-112716-1.html

The future of the United States depends to a large extent on the progress of the Latino community. This is not empty rhetoric, but rather a reality based on the demographic changes our country is experiencing. Understanding this has serious national implications, specially in the area of education.


New Census Bureau figures show that a quarter of all children in early childhood education in the United States are of Latino origin, which means that in a little over a decade —if this trend continues—they will be the new majority.


Today's children are tomorrow's workforce. With their effort and knowledge, they will create our country's wealth, and with their taxes, they will support the retirement of a large generation of retirees that keeps growing larger as people live longer.


Now the question is: Are we preparing today's students for the responsibilities of tomorrow?


The answer is no. Young Latinos are lagging farthest behind in the educactional achievement for a variety of reasons, ranging from the home to the school system, from a lack of English to the absence of resources to give them the tools they need and to motivate them to stay in school.


The comprehensive approach that ensures young people's development from preschool to adolescence is the path to follow. Unfortunately, that same path is the one suffering from the cuts in public education caused by the state economic crisis. In May, Californians will have the opportunity to vote on initiatives that change current school funding to address other budget priorities.


Meanwhile, nationally, the No Child Left Behind program has not fulfilled its purpose of helping minority students due to a lack of financial support. This is an urgent matter—yet another one—that must be addressed by the Obama administration.


In Los Angeles, we hope the recent election of two new members to the Los Angeles Unified School District Board will drive changes in the system. With them on board, there is majority support for the change promoted by Mayor Villaraigosa. It is time to start living up to expectations.


Education is a pillar of society that determines its future. In the United States, like it or not, the progress of Latinos is inseparable from our country's future. Now is the time to understand this.

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