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http://aztlannet-news-blog.blogspot.com/2007/01/lunes-jan-1-2007aztlan-news-report.html
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http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/B/BUSH_AIRSPACE_VIOLATED_TXOL-?SITE=TXELP&SECTION=Home&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT
Jan 1, 2007 @2:58 PM EST
Pilot strays into restricted airspace over Bush ranch
WASHINGTON (AP) -- A small plane twice strayed into restricted airspace over President Bush's ranch in Crawford, Texas, authorities said Monday.
The violation was inadvertent, FAA spokeswoman Diane Stitaliere said.
The propeller plane, a Maule M-7, wandered into restricted airspace above the ranch around 11:30 p.m. local time Sunday, prompting the scrambling of F-16 fighter jets, said Air Force Maj. April Cunningham, spokeswoman for the North American Aerospace Defence Command.
The jets used flares to get the attention of the pilot, who landed and was interviewed by authorities before being sent on his way, according to NORAD and the Secret Service.
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http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/news/articles/0101missing0101.html
Jan. 1, 2007 12:00 AM
DNA leads families to closure
Technology helping police ID more bodies
Judi Villa / The Arizona Republic
For seven years, Brenda Sue Daniel wondered what happened to her sister.
Jocelyn Pugurwag of Phoenix vanished in March 1999, leaving behind three children. Had she gone to stay with friends in Florida or New Mexico and started a new life? Had something bad happened to her? At one point, Pugurwag's mother even hired a private investigator to try to find out.
But it wasn't until Daniel and another sister provided DNA samples to Phoenix police in September that they finally had an answer: Pugurwag had been dead the whole time.
Felled by an accidental drug overdose and carrying no identification, Pugurwag had been found dead under a tree near her Phoenix home and was buried in a pauper's grave.
"I didn't expect it to be my sister after this many years," said Daniel, a Valley resident. "At least we know she's OK. There was no harm to her, so she was all right."
Across the country and now in Arizona, police are increasingly turning toward DNA to try to put names to thousands of unidentified bodies. They say the same technology that can match suspects to evidence left at crime scenes could provide answers to families desperately wanting to know the fate of their missing loved ones.
Phoenix police alone have 1,200 unresolved missing-persons cases.
Importance of closure
"There's nothing surer than DNA," said Phoenix police Sgt. Mary Roberts, who oversees missing-persons investigations. "That's our answer to solving crimes from 30 years ago. Some of these are not crimes. But to have that closure, to have the case closed and the answers to the family, that's indescribable."
The state Department of Public Safety recently began compiling a database with DNA from missing people and their relatives and from unidentified bodies with the hope that something will match. Samples also are run through the National Missing Person DNA Database, which is part of the FBI's Combined DNA Index System, known as CODIS.
Although the national database of missing persons has existed since 2000, Arizona previously has not had the technology to feed directly into it.
"We're trying to expand into this area because we think it's important," said Todd Griffith, superintendent of the DPS' crime lab. "It's important for the families to be able to resolve their cases and answer those questions."
The Maricopa County Medical Examiner's Office, which last year launched a Web site profiling unidentified bodies, is processing DNA samples taken from those bodies for the DPS database. So far, results from unidentified remains dating to 1997 have been entered.
And Phoenix police have begun taking DNA samples at the onset of many of their missing-persons cases, gathering toothbrushes or hairbrushes used by victims.
Detectives also have created a Web site to profile the city's missing persons, and they are culling through old cases, trying to reach family members who could provide DNA for possible matches.
The process is simple: Just a couple of swabs on the inside of a cheek can establish a family connection.
Officials say DNA may be the best tool to link scores of unidentified bodies to missing persons, even though it has not routinely been used for this.
"For those families to just get an answer would provide them some peace," said Kym Pasqualini, chief executive of the Phoenix-based National Center for Missing Adults. "It's not just the identity of the victims but providing some comfort to the families. They don't have to stay in that perpetual limbo of not knowing. What a prayer to be answered for all of us that a family knows where a loved one is. Our victims at least deserve that."
More than 100,000 missing-persons records are logged in the National Crime Information Center, the computerized index of criminal-justice information. The database also includes records of nearly 6,000 unidentified remains.
In Arizona in 2005, there were 3,521 active missing-persons cases and 234 unidentified remains.
But very few cases have DNA samples on file. CODIS held only 1,481 profiles from relatives of the missing as of November 2005, according to the Justice Department. It also had 269 missing-person profiles and 621 profiles from unidentified remains.
Arizona's fledgling database contains 91 DNA profiles from relatives of the missing and 83 from unidentified remains.
Patricia Austin of Phoenix, whose sister, Jeannette Lamb, then a Valley resident, went missing four years ago, said her family recently was asked to provide DNA samples. Austin said her mother and her sister's three sons are holding out hope that Lamb is alive, but Austin doesn't think she could be. There's just no way Lamb would have gone so long without seeing her kids.
Still, Austin said, it would be nice to know for sure.
"It would give us closure," Austin said. "We wouldn't have to hope for something that may never come. We would know one way or the other what happened to her because, right now, we just don't know."
Identifying 9/11 victims
The national push to identify the missing was galvanized with the September 2001 terrorist attacks, when officials created a version of CODIS to match DNA from victims with that provided by relatives. The efforts led to the identification of more than a quarter of those reported missing.
Four years later, the same system was used to identify victims of Hurricane Katrina.
Arizona's missing-persons database already is showing success, an indication that even more cases will be solved as more samples are entered.
Those recently identified through DNA include a woman last seen in 2002, a man killed in a car accident in 1999 and a person whose skull was found in May.
Jocelyn Pugurwag's body was identified in September.
For years, Pugurwag's family kept waiting for her to show up. In the back of her mind, Daniel said she knew it wouldn't be like her sister to miss her son's high school graduation or to go so long without so much as a phone call.
But, she said, "You live in a world accepting what you want it to be."
So they convinced themselves Pugurwag was out there somewhere and just didn't want to come around.
Until the DNA test. Pugurwag's children no longer had to wonder if their mother had abandoned them. They held a memorial service in October and visited her grave.
"It's the best thing that ever could have happened," Daniel said.
"All we really wanted to know was that she was OK."
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http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-wage1jan01,0,5167084,full.story?coll=la-default-underdog
January 1, 2007
Wage hike finding quiet acceptance
California's increase to $7.50 an hour is not expected to hurt the economy or, some workers say, change employees' daily lives.
By Marc Lifsher and Alana Semuels, Times Staff Writers
Email= marc.lifsher@latimes.com
Email= alana.semuels@latimes.com
SACRAMENTO — California's lowest-paid workers are about to get a raise.
The state minimum wage jumps today by 75 cents to $7.50 an hour, affecting about 1.4 million people. The increase — California's first since a 50-cent boost in January 2002 — will give the state the fourth-highest minimum wage in the nation. An additional 50-cent raise, planned for a year from now, will catapult the state into first place.
The initial $1,560 in higher annual pay for a 40-hour week should bring modest relief to workers who must get by on the current $14,040 a year.
Passage of the new wage capped a three-year effort by Democratic lawmakers, labor unions and advocates for low income workers to convince Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger that boosting the minimum wage would not slow California's economy.
The governor, who vetoed two previous minimum-wage bills, agreed to sign the election-year legislation only after Democrats dropped attempts to automatically peg future increases to jumps in the cost of living.
But now that the political dust has settled, many workers and their employers wonder what all the fuss was about. They say they expect changes in the workplace to be less dramatic than an initial 11% wage increase might otherwise suggest.
Some of those who work in the sectors that typically pay minimum wage — the janitorial, fashion, hotel and restaurant industries — say their bigger paychecks, though welcome, are unlikely to make enough of a difference at home.
"The price of everything is going up. This should have happened earlier," said Annalee Herrera, 35, a minimum-wage garment worker who lives in downtown Los Angeles with her 9-year-old son.
Fellow seamstress Veronica Garcia, 39, also is skeptical.
"Just because I have more money doesn't mean I can buy more things," she said, noting that the raise would help her meet the growing cost of feeding her four children, ages 5 to 18.
Many business owners, though they opposed the wage hike before it was approved in August, acknowledge that increased labor costs probably wouldn't hurt the state's economy.
"For the most part, it's a non-issue because most of small business is paying more than the minimum wage anyhow," said Scott Hauge, president of Small Business California, a nonpartisan advocacy group based in San Francisco.
Results of a survey released last week by credit card issuer Discover showed that 70% of small-business owners expected no effect on their employee costs if the new Democrat-controlled Congress and President Bush agreed to raise the federal minimum wage to $7.25.
Still, the fashion and restaurant industries remain two vocal, notable exceptions to the relatively calm implementation of the higher minimum wage.
Employers in the hyper-competitive garment business gripe that the new wage will slash already thin profit margins. They fear losing business to illegal operators, which might pay only $5 or $6 an hour, or to overseas sewing shops that pay far less.
"We're stuck. We have to pay workers more, but buyers want prices down," said Samuel Hong, owner of Holy Camp Clothing in the downtown Los Angeles garment district. "There's so much competition. I don't believe my competitors can possibly be paying the minimum wage."
Restaurateurs complain that, with the two increases, they will be forced to raise the base pay of waiters nearly 20% in the next 12 months, even though food servers often earn more than $25 an hour when tips are factored in.
Last summer, restaurant lobbyists unsuccessfully argued in the Legislature that the minimum wage should be frozen at $6.75 an hour for tipped waiters. Food servers represent about 30% of all California workers earning the minimum wage, state labor statistics show.
Many restaurant owners say that giving a legally mandated raise to servers will force them, out of fairness, to provide a similar increase to their "back-of-the-house" workers: dishwashers, chefs and prep cooks, who already earn more than the minimum wage but make far less than tipped staff.
The upshot, they predict, will be heftier bills for customers at the state's 87,000 eateries.
"We're going to have to raise prices," said Tony Palermo, a partner at Tony P's Dockside Grill, a casual dining restaurant in Marina del Rey.
Michael Osborn, owner of Pie 'n Burger, a 43-year-old Pasadena diner with four generations of loyal customers, said he planned to spend an additional $3,000 a month on pay raises for his 25 tipped and non-tipped workers.
"I've already evaluated my menu, and I've tried to raise prices as painlessly as possible," he said.
The prospect of price increases spurred by a minimum wage hike doesn't seem to worry customers. The Discover card survey found that nearly 60% of consumers polled said they would be willing to pay more for goods and services from small businesses that boosted employees' checks.
Voters appeared to agree in November when measures raising the minimum wage passed in all six states where they appeared on ballots. Fifteen other states, including California, raised their minimum wages through new laws or with automatic cost-of-living increases, according to the California Budget Project, a Sacramento-based think tank that advocates for low- and middle-income residents.
Twenty-eight states in all have minimum wages that exceed the federal rate of $5.15 an hour, the California Budget Project reported.
Congress, where Republicans controlled both houses for more than a decade and generally sided with their business allies, last raised the federal minimum wage in 1997. Business lobbyists contended that a boost in pay to low-wage workers would backfire by forcing employers to eliminate jobs. Moreover, they said, most minimum-wage earners are young, entry-level or part-time employees who don't need more money.
But California Budget Project research tells a different story, at least in California. In 2004, 56.3% of workers earning no more than $1 above the minimum wage were 20 or older and worked at least 35 hours a week, a recent study concluded.
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke concluded in recent written comments to a member of Congress that "a modest increase in the minimum wage would likely have only a small effect on labor costs for the economy as a whole and therefore a small effect on overall inflation."
Democrats, who will take power in Congress on Thursday, are vowing to move rapidly on a minimum-wage vote. Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), the incoming speaker of the House, said she would work to pass a minimum-wage law within the first 100 hours of the session.
In California, some worker advocates say they aren't content just to boost the minimum wage. They also want so-called living wages that provide even higher pay for poor workers. San Francisco has enacted the only citywide living wage in California. The wage is indexed to the cost of living, rising today to $9.14 an hour.
Los Angeles has a limited living wage, requiring companies that contract with the city to pay workers as much as $10.64 an hour. The City Council and Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa recently expanded the benefit to employees of hotels near Los Angeles International Airport, but the pay hike is on hold pending a possible voter referendum that hotel operators hope to put on the ballot in the spring.
In the meantime, labor unions and Democratic lawmakers in Sacramento have their own plans to push a bill this year that would add an annual automatic cost-of-living increase to the state minimum wage.
"While we're pleased that low-wage workers will receive a raise, we know it is not enough," said Art Pulaski, executive secretary-treasurer of the California Labor Federation. "We will continue to fight for long-term solutions for California's working poor, which must include indexing of the minimum wage."
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http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-prison31dec31,1,7290599.story?coll=la-headlines-california
December 31, 2006
Dozens are hurt as hundreds brawl in prison riot
Inmates' fighting at the Chino facility starts in one barracks, then spreads to four others.
The cause is unknown.
By Rong-Gong Lin II and Paul Pringle, Times Staff Writers
Email= ron.lin@latimes.com
Email= paul.pringle@latimes.com
As many as 1,000 inmates at the Chino state prison rioted for 90 minutes Saturday as guards struggled to stop the violence by firing pepper spray and gas grenades into several barracks, officials said.
Fifty-one inmates were treated for moderate to serious injuries, including one with stab wounds and head trauma, a prison spokesman said. No guards were hurt.
After restoring order, officers placed the 6,400-inmate California Institution for Men on lockdown. Twenty-seven inmates were taken to hospitals.
"The facility was never at risk of being taken over," said Lt. Mark Hargrove, the prison spokesman.
The riot appeared to be the largest at the prison in recent years. In September 2005, a fight erupted between 270 black and Latino inmates, leaving one critically injured.
Earlier that year, Chino's warden and two deputy wardens were demoted after an investigation found that mismanagement and security lapses contributed to the stabbing death of a guard. The current warden, Michael Poulos, was not available for comment Saturday.
Another Chino guard was seriously injured in a fight last September. On Dec. 17, officers put down a brawl between 60 black and Latino inmates.
Chino is designed to hold 3,160 prisoners, less than half the number housed there. Experts have warned that chronic overcrowding in California's prisons has made the lockups more dangerous to guards and inmates. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has proposed spending $10.9 billion to add 78,000 beds to state prisons and county jails.
Officials said Chino will not take in more inmates until the riot investigation is completed. The prison serves as a reception center for newly convicted felons who are later transferred to other lockups.
Hargrove said investigators had not determined the cause of Saturday's melee, which broke out about 9:30 a.m. in an inmate reception barracks.
The violence spread quickly to four other barracks, each of which holds about 200 inmates. It continued as guards began firing pepper spray and tear gas into the military-style buildings.
They also fired hard foam bullets and used batons.
The fighting among prisoners was hand-to-hand, and some of the injured had slash wounds. About 11 a.m., after the fighting had subsided, guards started to reenter the barracks and restrain the inmates.
Officers later found numerous homemade weapons, but it was not known if they were used in the riot. The types of weapons were not disclosed.
Two inmates exchanged the first blows in an exercise yard, officials said. Guards separated the two, but soon afterward large-scale fighting began inside one barracks and then spread.
It is not clear what touched off the fighting.
Hargrove said guards gathered outside the buildings and launched an initial barrage of pepper spray and gas.
He said inmates might have slowed the effect of the chemicals by covering the canisters with blankets and towels. He said it would take 400 guards to immediately secure a single barracks, which is typically staffed by just two officers.
"We reentered each facility as it was safe to do so," he added.
San Bernardino County sheriff's deputies and police officers from Chino and Ontario set up a security perimeter outside the prison. Spokespeople for those agencies said they encountered no problems.
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http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20061231/ts_nm/prison_riot_dc
Sun Dec 31, 2006 @4:35 PM ET
Hispanics battle blacks in major Calif. prison riot
By Adam Tanner
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - A major California prison riot involving 800 inmates started when a black and a Hispanic prisoner began fighting, prompting other prisoners to join divided along racial lines, an official said on Sunday.
More than 50 people were treated for injuries suffered in the Saturday riot at the California Institution for Men in Chino east of Los Angeles. Guards battled for four hours to quell the fighting, which began at 9:24 a.m. on Saturday, said Oscar Hidalgo, a spokesman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.
"They used everything from tear gas, batons, they used wooden and foam projectiles," he said of the guards. "There were so many inmates involved at one time that they had to pull back and regroup."
It was one of the state's largest such uprisings in years.
"We believe initially two individuals were fighting in the yard which were a black and a Hispanic inmate," said Mark Hargrove, a spokesman for the Chino prison. "Everyone kind of drew their racial lines and began fighting between the races."
Inmates in California's prisons often join racially based gangs and shun interaction with those from other races.
Officials brought in reinforcements from other prisons and local police, both to regain control of the prison and assure that no one escaped from the area, which covers 2,500 acres , during the fighting.
One inmate suffered stab wounds and was in serious condition while 27 other inmates were taken to area hospitals for medical treatment, Hidalgo said. Another 24 were treated for minor injuries at the prison and one guard suffered heat exhaustion.
The Chino prison, which first opened in 1941, is divided into four facilities with minimum to medium security with 200 inmates living in each dormitory area. About 95 percent of the inmates are parole violators who have been returned to custody, spokesman Hargrove said.
The prison was under lock-down on Sunday and officials were inspecting the damage, included broken glass in all of the windows in the five units where fighting took place, or about 200 total windows, Hargrove said.
"We're looking at transferring approximately 36 inmates because of unacceptable housing situations," Hidalgo said. "It is one of the largest altercations we've had, no doubt."
The Chino prison offers a number of educational programs seeking to rehabilitate inmates, and just a few weeks ago the facility invited journalists to view their program to train deep-sea divers.
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http://www.nctimes.com/articles/2007/01/01/news/californian/09_06_8112_31_06.txt
December 31, 2006 7:45 PM PST
Immigration debate blazed in 2006
By: EDWARD SIFUENTES - Staff Writer
Email= esifuentes@californian.com or (951) 676-4315, Ext. 3511
From the first rumblings of protest marches across the region to the Escondido City Council's failed attempt to ban illegal immigrants from renting in the city, 2006 arguably could be summed up as the year of immigration. Whether on the streets of Southern California or in the halls of Congress, immigration reform seemed to be on the tip of almost everyone's tongue.
On street corners, immigrant rights activists protested against anti-illegal immigrant rights activists. Immigrant rights activists staged a national Day Without an Immigrant boycott. Congressional leaders took a series of immigration hearings on the road ---- increasing tempers on the street corners of border cities such as San Diego.
But in the end, an immigration debate that started with such a bang has ended without many results. Neither Congress, nor street protesters, nor local governments accomplished much in changing immigration policy in 2006.
Analysts, commentators and activists appear divided on whether any substantive change is in store in the coming year.
The challenge, they said, is striking the careful balance between comprehensive reform and addressing the concerns of vocal voters who say they are fed up with illegal immigration. Many of those voters have called upon local governments to take action in response to the federal government's apparent inability to stem the flow of immigrants into border communities.
"What you see at the local level is the frustration people have for the federal government's failure to deal with illegal immigration," said Kurt Bardella, a spokesman for Rep. Brian Bilbray, R-Escondido.
Local governments take action
The events that shaped this year's immigration debate began in 2005, when the rise in public frustration led hundreds of people to the Arizona border with Mexico in a protest called the Minuteman Project.
The monthlong border stakeout inspired several similar groups to spill over into the region's streets. Jeff Schwilk, a retired Marine, founded the San Diego Minutemen, which he describes as a neighborhood-watch group of sorts.
In February, Schwilk's group began protesting at day-labor sites, where mostly Latino laborers gather for work, around Vista. The group attracted counter-protesters.
In response to the increasing visibility of curbside workers for hire, the Vista City Council acted in June adopting a law that requires would-be employers to register with the city before hiring day laborers within the city limits.
Minutemen and their supporters declared the new law a victory that would reduce the large gatherings of men seeking jobs along streets.
But the law encountered legal obstacles.
The American Civil Liberties Union and California Rural Legal Assistance Inc. have sued the city, claiming the law violates constitutional free-speech rights and was motivated by unlawful discrimination. The case is pending.
Escondido ordinance falls in court
Escondido's City Council approved on a split vote its controversial rental ordinance. The city attracted national attention following the lead of towns such as Hazleton, Pa., adopting the law requiring landlords to provide proof that their tenants are in the country legally.
The council meetings attracted crowds of supporters and opponents by the hundreds spilling out of council chambers to the sidewalks near City Hall.
Prominent Latinos said the ordinance would result in discrimination against their community. They criticized the ordinance as unconstitutional and unworkable.
Shortly before taking effect in November, lawyers for the ACLU and the Mexican American Legal and Defense and Education Fund filed a lawsuit claiming the law was unconstitutional because it was pre-empted by federal law and violated due process.
Federal Judge John Houston seemed to agree, saying the ordinance raised "serious questions" and issuing a temporary restraining order. The judge later signed a permanent injunction barring the city from enforcing the law after the council decided to drop its legal defense.
Several council members have said they will revive the issue.
House bill spurs protest
But perhaps few events fueled this year's rallies more than the House immigration reform bill, H.R. 4437, passed in December 2005. The package of tough border enforcement measures, including a provision that would make it a crime to aid illegal immigrants, was widely condemned by Latino and immigrant-rights groups in part because of the perception that it would lead to mass deportations.
In late March 2006, thousands of students in the region joined others nationwide walking out of classes in a protest organized using the popular Web site Myspace.com. The students, who were predominantly Latino, protested the House measure and called for comprehensive reform, including amnesty for illegal immigrant students.
Student protests were quickly followed in May by the nationwide "Day Without an Immigrant." On that day, millions of illegal immigrants, students and their supporters took to the streets, avoiding work and shopping, to demonstrate their economic muscle.
"Today we march, tomorrow we vote," marchers chanted.
Protest organizers and analysts were split on whether the day's events were more symbolic than show of force.
While crowds clamored for immigration reform at city chambers, House Republican leaders deployed a series of immigration hearings around the country, including four in San Diego County. The hearings were widely criticized as political theater aimed at promoting the House immigration reform bill, while attacking the more comprehensive Senate version.
The Senate's wide-ranging immigration bill, adopted in May, included stronger border enforcement measures along with a guest worker program and a legalization process for millions of illegal immigrants.
The first hearing, held at the Imperial Beach Border Patrol station, attracted thousands of immigrant-rights supporters and protesters to hear immigration expert witnesses and more than a dozen congressional representatives speak. But public, media and congressional interest dwindled with each passing hearing.
Only two congressmen and a significantly smaller audience attended the last hearing held in August at the San Diego County administration building.
After the hearings, Congress passed a significantly reduced package of immigration measures, including a bill to build 700 miles of border fence. But the bill provided only enough funding to build a fraction of the length.
By November, much of the public's attention had shifted to a deteriorating situation in Iraq. Most analysts say the Iraq war was the dominant issue on voters' minds when they gave Democrats control of both houses of Congress in the election.
What next?
A Democratic-controlled Congress could make it more likely that reform proposals could include a broader perspective on immigration than the House bill, said Cecilia Munoz, vice president of the Latino rights group, the National Council of La Raza.
"There appears to be really strong support for the kind of approach that passed the Senate; strong enforcement with a path to citizenship," Munoz said.
With the 2008 presidential election looming, other analysts say the Democrats may hesitate in raising the question of amnesty for millions of illegal immigrants. Dan Stein, president of the Federation of American Immigration Reform, which supports stricter immigration measures, said Congress should focus on border security.
The public "will be sorely disappointed if the Democratic leadership pursues the same failed policies," Stein said. "The American public expects the new congressional leadership to take real steps to secure the nation."
Whether Congress presses forward on immigration or not, local governments and local activists will continue to battle on the front lines, said Pedro Rios, San Diego director of the human rights group, American Friends Service Committee.
"I think the impulse to claim immigration issues at the local level will increase, and... Escondido-type ordinances will increase," Rios said.
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http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?artno=1925
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Sunday, Dec 31, 2006
Doing It Their Own Way: Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador
By: Mark Weisbrot - International Herald Tribune
A new wave of Latin American leaders is changing the face of the region and its relations with the United States, multilateral institutions, international financial markets and foreign investors.
While this is often seen in Washington in political terms, as the rise of populism or anti-Americanism, much can be explained by looking at the economics of these changes.
Rafael Correa, Ecuador's newly elected president, is a case in point. Correa recently sent the country's bond markets tumbling by announcing that he would seek to restructure Ecuador's foreign debt. He is looking toward a 75 percent debt reduction, and will use the savings on debt service to increase social spending.
Correa, who got his Ph.D. in economics at the University of Illinois in Urbana, understands very well that foreign capital can, in some circumstances, contribute to development. But when a country is borrowing simply to pay off debt, it may make more sense to clear some debt off the books and start over, just as someone who declares bankruptcy in the United States does.
Argentina defaulted on its debt in December 2001. The government drove a hard bargain with its foreign creditors and with the International Monetary Fund, which wanted the government to pay more to the defaulted bondholders and to follow more orthodox macro- economic policy prescriptions.
In the end the Argentines were proven right. The economy shrank for only about three months after the default; it has since grown at an annual rate of more than 8 percent, pulling more than 8 million people out of poverty in a country of 36 million.
President Néstor Kirchner of Argentina has pursued these policies outside of the international spotlight. But the way he led Argentina out of its depression of 1998-2002 is comparable to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's leadership in the United States during the Great Depression.
Like Roosevelt, Kirchner had to reject the advice of the majority of the economics profession (Roosevelt did this even before Keynes had published his General Theory), stand up to powerful interests (foreign bondholders and utility companies, the IMF and World Bank), and do what was best for the country.
A stable and competitive exchange rate, reasonable interest rates and the use of unorthodox measures to control inflation were some of the policies that Argentina needed to produce its remarkable economic recovery.
Venezuela's Hugo Chávez is a more controversial leader, but his government's economic policies are working. The year 2006 will be the second in a row in which Venezuela has a 10 percent growth rate, the highest in the region, after a 17.8 percent jump in 2004.
To put the country on a solid growth path, the government needed to get control over the national oil company PDVSA, which is the source of nearly half the government's revenues and 80 percent of the country's export earnings.
The opposition resisted fiercely, with a U.S.-backed military coup and an oil strike that devastated the economy in 2002-2003. But since the government prevailed it has been able to assure not only rapid growth but vastly expanded social programs for the poor, including free health care, subsidized food and increased access to education.
Some say this is just an oil boom that will collapse when oil prices drop, but the Chávez government has budgeted conservatively for oil prices that were about half of what they are now.
The governments of Argentina and Venezuela are transforming not only their own countries but also the region by finally breaking the IMF's control over credit.
Only a few years ago, a government that did not agree to IMF conditions would find itself denied credit not only from the Fund but from the much larger World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, G-7 governments and even the private sector.
This was the major instrument of Washington's influence in the region, and helped bring higher interest rates, tighter budgets, privatization, indiscriminate liberalization of international trade and capital flows and the abandonment of development strategies.
Venezuela has now provided an alternative source of credit, with no economic policy strings attached, to Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador and other countries. The dissolution of the IMF's "creditors' cartel" is the most important change in the international financial system since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates in 1973.
Now even poor countries like Bolivia can say no to the "Washington consensus," capture billions of dollars of additional revenues from resources like natural gas, and use them to deliver on their promises of a New Deal for the region's poor.
The region's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, is also making history as he completes his first year in office.
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil has continued the neoliberal policies (and resultant sluggish economic growth) of his predecessor. But he has been a team player internationally, forging a close alliance with Argentina and Venezuela that has buried Washington's proposed "Free Trade Area of the Americas," and pursuing increased regional economic integration.
Latin America has clearly taken a turn in a new economic direction, and it looks to be overwhelmingly positive. After 26 years of slow economic growth, it would be difficult for the new leaders to do worse.
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Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research.
Original source / relevant link: International Herald Tribune
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/28/opinion/edweis.php
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http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/metro/20061231-9999-7m31jail.html
December 31, 2006
Agents' interviews lead to hundreds of transfers
By Onell R. Soto / UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER
Email= onell.soto@uniontrib.com or (619) 293-1280
Hundreds of San Diego County jail inmates are being targeted for deportation every month now that federal authorities have posted immigration agents in local lockups.
In January, when the program began, agents identified 59 illegal immigrants among local inmates. In November, that number ballooned to 845.
A member of Immigration and Customs Enforcement interviewed a new inmate at the San Diego Central Jail.
That same month, 579 local inmates were transferred to federal officials for removal from the United States, according to federal statistics.
“We can just nab them right there and get them into deportation and remove them immediately,” said Lauren Mack, spokeswoman for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, part of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Before January, agents in charge of screening inmates were focused on investigations rather than deportation, Mack said.
Those agents mostly tried to identify illegal immigrants by poring over booking logs, an imprecise method at best. Now, agents trained in deportation interview the inmates as well.
The goal is to better determine the immigration status of everyone accused of a crime.
San Diego, because of its proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border, has become among the most efficient at expelling illegal immigrants who break the law since the changes almost a year ago, Mack said.
Felons in the country illegally, including rapists, burglars and armed robbers, long have faced deportation after they have served their sentences. The increased screening means illegal immigrants arrested on charges that ordinarily don't carry jail time, such as public drunkenness or driving under the influence, also face deportation.
The agents work at the city-run Chula Vista jail and at county jails in Vista, Santee and downtown San Diego, where inmates are initially booked. They often interview inmates about the same time that jail officials fingerprint and photograph them.
Right now, agents are posted at the jails for part of the day, but authorities hope to increase staffing to provide round-the-clock coverage.
The interviews to determine whether people entered the country illegally are a lot like those conducted by border inspectors in San Ysidro and Otay Mesa, Mack said.
At the downtown jail recently, Paul Garcia, a supervisory detention and deportation officer, questioned a man who had been arrested on rape and other charges.
The man, born in Acapulco, admitted he had been caught by immigration officials about eight years ago and was returned to Mexico. He said he had sneaked back in through the mountains near Tecate.
After talking to the man, Garcia said he'll be targeted for deportation.
Garcia also noted that, given the charges, the man faces several years in a California prison, and that deportation is the least of his worries.
Most inmates in county lockups are U.S. citizens, but immigration agents are trying to interview everyone, Garcia said.
Mack said that is an effort to avoid profiling.
“You can't always tell a person's immigration status by how they look or their last name,” she said.
Sheriff's Sgt. Greg Rose, who oversees inmate classification at the Central Jail in downtown San Diego, recalls prisoners who previously had been deported being released from jail because federal authorities failed to seek their detention.
“We had an idea that some people were slipping through,” Rose said.
Inmates at state and federal prisons already are screened for legal status, and deportation proceedings begin before their sentences are finished so they can be deported right away, Mack said.
In some cases, repeat offenders are referred to the U.S. Attorney's Office for possible prosecution on violations of immigration laws.
As part of the push initiated this year, the Department of Homeland Security is hoping to screen new inmates for legal status around the country, although it is done differently in other places.
The department has trained sheriff's deputies to conduct the screenings in other parts of the country, including in Los Angeles and Orange counties, but San Diego County sheriff's officials have turned down offers for similar training here, Mack said.
A sheriff's spokesman said earlier this year that the department lets federal authorities conduct the screening because it doesn't want to assume responsibilities that belong to the federal government.
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http://www.latimes.com/news/local/los_angeles_metro/la-me-lapd30dec30,1,137108.story?coll=la-commun-los_angeles_metro
December 30, 2006
4 LAPD officers claim race-based discrimination
By Andrew Blankstein, Times Staff Writer
Email= andrew.blankstein@latimes.com
Four Los Angeles police officers on Friday accused top department officials — including the former head of the internal affairs bureau — of discrimination for failing to include them in a new unit to investigate use-of-force incidents.
The investigators — two African Americans and two Latinos — held a news conference at the Woodland Hills offices of attorney Bradley Gage to announce a lawsuit against the department. They contend that the city failed to properly investigate their complaints that Deputy Chief Michael Berkow and other top LAPD officials had excluded them from the Force Investigation Division because they were minorities or had disabilities.
"My clients are just pure victims," Gage said. "But for race, but for their disability, they would still be in those positions."
Chief William J. Bratton immediately issued a statement in which he called the officers' allegations "outrageous and without foundation."
"I have based my whole career on ensuring equal opportunity to all people," Bratton said. "And I stand on my record at LAPD of appointing qualified minorities and women." He pointed to his recent appointments to top department positions of two women, two African Americans and a Latino.
The accusing officers were assigned to the Critical Incident Management Division formed in 2001 when the LAPD, then led by Chief Bernard C. Parks, was placed under federal court supervision as fallout from the Rampart corruption scandal.
The unit came under the scrutiny of the federal monitor, who was repeatedly critical of the quality of the officer use-of-force investigations and outlined the need for structural changes in several quarterly reports. Bratton said that led to the "organizational and personnel changes," which in turn led to the creation of the new division.
But Gage said the department failed to heed warnings from at least one of its own top commanders that the reorganization could open the department to charges of discrimination.
In all, 13 people were denied transfers to the new unit. Gage is handling half a dozen of the suits. Lt. Otis Dobine, a 35-year LAPD veteran, said Friday that his supervisors never gave him a reason why he couldn't continue investigating use-of-force cases in the new unit. Dobine, who is African American, said he believes that's because the criteria was solely based on race.
"If you're white, you're right, if you're black, step back," Dobine said.
Gage also represents Ya May Christle, an LAPD detective who says she was demoted after she alleged that Berkow, her former boss at internal affairs, gave preferential treatment to several female officers under his supervision.
In a deposition as part of Christle's lawsuit, Berkow admitted to having a sexual relationship with a female sergeant in his unit but denied she was given any special consideration.
The suit by Christle also alleges that a computer hard drive containing discovery materials relating to the LAPD's handling of the Notorious B.I.G. murder investigation was taken from her and that she was removed from the case.
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http://www.plenglish.com/article.asp?ID=%7B2A4D31F6-ED5A-4A2C-AB71-7AEC0F0C2116%7D)&language=EN
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December 30, 2006
Mexican Commission Denounces Oaxaca Deaths
Mexico, Dec 30 (Prensa Latina) The International Commission for Human Rights Observation denounced the absence of investigation of 17 deaths during seven months of clashes in the Mexican state of Oaxaca.
Ignacio Garcia, member of the working group, received by the leadership of APPO on December 26, assured that in addition to the arbitrary arrests, ill treatment and violations of individual guarantees, no responsibility has been identified for the deaths.
During eight days of work in Oaxaca the Commission has interviewed more than 70 persons, including state authorities, social leaders and members of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) and religious leaders, and has visited three prisons.
The official indicated that the homicides remain unpunished, the majority charged to paramilitary groups in favor of the government of Ulises Ruiz, which suggests the deaths are anonymous.
Garcia, who works with other activists of human rights in nine countries, stressed that the situation in Oaxaca is much deeper and more delicate.
The Commission also visited the community of San Francisco Cajones in Sierra Juarez where they talked of the situation of students and teachers in this population affected by the conflict that began on May 22 with labor protests of the teaching staff.
In the next few days the activists will meet with several civil associations such as Padres de Familia, la Barra Mexicana del Colegio de Abogados de Oaxaca and the Comisión para la Reforma del Estado ef crc avp mf
PL-3
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http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2006/12/30/18342149.php
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Saturday Dec 30th, 2006 7:34 AM
OAXACA year in review by FSRN
2006 year in review report on Oaxaca from FSRN
audio (7:23) with anchor lede
audio: fsrn_oax_2006.mp3
MP3 at 5.1 MB
(TRANSCRIPT)
ANCHOR LEDE: 2006 was also a tumultuous year in Mexico. The year kicked off with a nationwide listening tour launched by the Chiapas-based Zapatista rebel army. The so-called Other Campaign paused in Mexico City after police launched a vicious crackdown against activists and farmers in the nearby town of San Salvador Atenco. Soon after, the presidential elections captured much of the national spotlight as opposition candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador challenged the outcome that handed the presidency to right-wing technocrat, Felipe Calderon. Calderon assumed the presidency on December 1st amidst the strongest crisis of legitimacy ever faced by any Mexican president. ... But perhaps the ongoing political crisis in the southern state of Oaxaca could provide the most insight into what Mexico as a nation could face in the coming years.
SCRIPT TEXT:
When Oaxaca's public school teachers went on strike in May, no one imagined that the annual labor dispute would take on the dimensions of a popular uprising.
The fuse was lit in the early hours of June 14th, when state police moved in against the teacher's sprawling protest encampment in downtown Oaxaca City. Tear gas canisters, smoke grenades and rubber bullets were shot from a helicopter as state police tore thru the tent city...but the government's plan backfired. Outraged, thousands of teachers and residents from all over the city rushed towards downtown and overwhelmed the police presence.
Two days later, a coalition of organizations, indigenous groups, students, activists, housewives, and ordinary citizens fed up with the corruption and authoritarianism of the state government, came together to form the APPO - the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca. The APPO based itself on the popular assembly model used as the traditional goverance structure in many of Oaxaca's indigenous communities. Shortly after its formation, the APPO declared itself to be the legitimate government of Oaxaca.
Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators calling for the resignation of Governor Ulises Ruiz took part in mobilizations that streched for miles and lasted upwards of five hours. Never in the state's history had so many people hit the street at once.
....But Ulises Ruiz refused to step down.
One by one, dozens of towns throughout Oaxaca ran their local governments out of power. The state legislature was meeting in a hotel and the governor was practically in hiding. Members of the popular movement took over or bloackaded every major government building in the state capital. The citizens of Oaxaca had made their state "ungovernable".
By the end of the summer, Oaxaca City had become a self-governed autonomous zone.
The federal government had been too wrapped up in the drama and aftermath of the contentious presidential election to pay much attention to the social demands in Oaxaca.
But all that came to an end in late October, when the federal government chose to deal with the peaceful movement through an overwhelming show of force.
On October 29th, many Oaxaca City residents woke up to the sound of low-flying combat helicopters. Large contigents of riot police were on the outskirts of the city, backed with armored personnel carriers and water cannons. Ten of thousands of residents rushed to the barricades at the city's main entry points, many with Mexican flags, flowers, religious symbols, and even copies of the country's constitution; to show the troops that the movement is peaceful and its demands are constitutionally protected.
By the end of the day, the militarized Federal Preventative Police force had plowed through the city's main barricades and set up camp in the central plaza.
But the rebellion remained strong in the city's neighborhoods, and particularly in and around the campus of the state university.
On Day of the Dead, one of Oaxaca's most sacred holidays, the movement scored an important victory after a 7-hour street battle which started when federal riot police tried to dismantle the barricades near the university campus. The next day, November 3rd, the inference with the signal of Radio Universidad began. Radio Universidad was the last station remaining in movement hands.
Despite the attempts to crush the uprising, people continued to come out of their homes to protest the occupation of their city by the militarized federal police force and the movement never gave up the demand for the resignation of Governor Ulises Ruiz.
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On November 25th, the APPO called for a mega-march to endircle the federal police encampment for 48 hours. As in past mega-marches, massive amounts of people from all sectors of society came out to participate...but what happened after the march reached downtown became another watershed moment in the uprising.
Just before dusk, federal police began to launch massive amounts of tear gas to clear the area - by nightfall, they were firing live ammunition. Thousands of panicked demonstrators scattered in different directions and police began arresting people in violent street sweeps that lasted throughout the night. Before the puddles of blood had dried on the streets and sidewalks, more than 140 people were in prison, charged with sedition, rebellion, arson, and criminal association.
The police crackdown continued into early December. Police captured people identified with the popular movement on the street, in their homes, and at their places of work. An undeclared Dirty War against critics of the governor had begun.
Just as during the years of military rule in Argentina, family members and friends of the detained, dead, and dissappeared have organized themselves in Oaxaca. They meet regularly to discuss legal strategies, plan mobilizations, and to lend each other moral support. The story of their struggle has circled the globe and has sparked solidarity actions in dozens of cities around the world.
Although the movement has recently suffered a series of painful setbacks, its members continue to demonstrate the conviction of a people with a history of more than 500 years of resistance.
http://www.fsrn.org
http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/metro/20061231-9999-7m31jail.html
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http://www.wfaa.com/sharedcontent/dws/news/localnews/stories/DN-olivera_30met.ART.North.Edition1.3e3b48e.html
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12:00 AM CST on Saturday, December 30, 2006
For Latinos, 2006 will be a year to remember
By Mercedes Olivera
For many Latinos, 2006 will be an especially difficult year to forget.
From City Hall to the county courthouse, Latinos increasingly spoke with one voice as they marched through the streets and to the polls.
And with the national spotlight focused on a Dallas suburb, coupled with the possibility of congressional passage of comprehensive immigration reform, 2007 may also be memorable.
The passage of punitive immigration legislation in the U.S. House led to historic marches around the country in the spring, including the megamarch of almost half a million people through downtown Dallas in April. The local march drew national attention.
So did ordinances making it difficult for undocumented immigrants to live in Farmers Branch, a Dallas suburb.
Many Latinos have protested that the ordinances essentially say, "Work here but don't live here." No penalties were imposed on employers who hire undocumented workers.
For Elizabeth Villafranca, the Farmers Branch decision was a call to action. This year has been "a giant lesson in civics," she said this week, recalling the first day she expressed her opposition.
She thought hundreds of Latinos would appear to protest the move, just as they had for the megamarch. But she was one of the few who showed up Aug. 21 as the Farmers Branch City Council discussed the ordinances.
She and her husband own a Mexican food restaurant in the city. Many of their Hispanic customers now say they will stay out of Farmers Branch out of fear of being stopped and harassed by police.
Their lives have changed now, she said.
"We really have an obligation to help those who have no voice," no matter how small the contribution, she said. "All of us have a grain of sand to contribute to this effort."
She says fear of the city's changing demographics is driving much of the immigration backlash she now sees in the city.
About 40 percent of the city's 27,000 residents are Latinos.
She's optimistic about 2007: "I believe it will be a good year for us, and many new Latino leaders are going to come forward."
Perhaps her optimism springs from events in Dallas County.
Although still a small voting bloc, Latino voters turned out in large numbers in November to help turn Dallas County Democratic blue.
Dallas lawyer Lena Levario, a Democrat, was elected to the bench of Criminal District Court 204. She foresees many profound changes coming to the county's judicial system in the new year.
"We're now going to see criminal defense lawyers as judges, whereas before they were mainly prosecutors before becoming judges," she said. "You'll see a completely different outlook on rehabilitating people."
Ditto for the civil courts, where a crop of new judges will rise. Some of them were lawyers who represented individuals against insurance companies. And though the view is always different on the other side of the bench, there's no doubt a new attitude may permeate the county courts.
State Rep. Rafael Anchía of Dallas hopes a new attitude also reaches the state house.
He foresees many struggles ahead in the Texas Legislature with the introduction of new bills that could affect undocumented workers. He's keenly aware that some believe the bills could ultimately make life difficult for the majority of Latinos.
After all, most undocumented immigrants come from Latin American countries, so how can you tell the difference between them and U.S.-born Latinos?
Still, Mr. Anchía said he carries with him an image that gives him – and thousands of other Latinos, surely – a sense of hope for 2007.
It was a very moving moment, he said, that he will never forget:
"Singing the national anthem with 500,000 people at the end of the megamarch, thousands of American flags waving in unison. It was beautiful."
Reach Mercedes Olivera at molivera@dallasnews.com
or at P.O. Box 655237, Dallas, Texas 75265
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Full HTML version of stories may include photos, graphics, and related links
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Key Aztlan News Links=
* http://www.aztlanelectronicnews.net/
* http://www.centralamericanews.com/
* http://www.eco.utexas.edu/%7Ehmcleave/chiapas95.html
* http://granmai.cubaweb.com/ingles/
* http://hispanictips.com/index.php
* http://www.immigrantsolidarity.org/
* http://www.treatycouncil.org/
* http://www.mexicodaily.com/
* http://www.mylatinonews.com/
* http://www.southamericadaily.com/
* http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/
* http://www.vidaenelvalle.com/front/v-english/
* http://vivirlatino.com/
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Email= sacranative@yahoo.com
Sacramento, California, Aztlan
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